Called 'Life of Washington' the mural depicts Washington's slaves picking cotton at Mount Vernon
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On June 28, the New York Times published an article by Bari Weiss that wasn't moronic.
Titled "San Francisco Will Spend $600,000 to Erase History," it was about the school board's unanimous decision to destroy a New Deal-era mural by the famous Communist painter Victor Arnautoff that's painted on the walls of a local high school. Called "Life of Washington," the mural depicts Washington's slaves picking cotton at Mount Vernon as a group of colonizers walks past a dead Native American. The painting is clearly meant to oppose the sanitized versions of American history that are taught in most schools.
So you'd think "progressives" would support it. Instead, some of them, at least, find it so offensive they want it gone. "A grave mistake was made 80 years ago to paint a mural at a school without Native American or African-American input," the school board's vice president told Weiss. "For impressionable young people who attend school to have any representation that diminishes people, specifically students from communities that have already been diminished, it's an aggressive thing. It's hurtful and I don't think our students need to bear that burden."
It seems that most students object to the mural's removal, though a number of community members support the board's decision. "We know our history already," a recent high school graduate and member of the Tohono O'odham tribe said. "Our students don't need to see it every single time they walk into a public school."
Predictably, Weiss's article confines itself to admonishing liberals and leftists for being "un-American" snowflakes, failing to point out that conservatives are typically far more eager to censor than the left is. Bashing hyper-sensitive leftists seems to be Weiss's favorite activity, aside from hyper-sensitively complaining about supposed instances of anti-Semitism that are usually nothing more than criticisms of Israel's horrifying militarism and near-genocidal policies towards Palestinians. (I didn't see her write a column bewailing what a "snowflake" Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti was for advocating the destruction of an "anti-Semitic" mural in L.A. that depicts Israel as the Grim Reaper.)
But leaving aside Weiss, who's nothing but a vulgar propagandist, her column does raise an important issue. Censorship, the destruction of art, and the sanitizing of history are appropriate agendas for reactionaries and establishment-types like Weiss; progressives and radicals should certainly oppose them. And yet, in the age of "political correctness," there's a disturbing tendency for those on the left to adopt the repressive tactics of their enemies.
Whether on social media, on university campuses, or in cultural spaces of whatever sort, people are shunned, shamed, and silenced for not adhering wholeheartedly to a party line. A whiff of dissent brings down the wrath of the mob; a statement or an image that someone, somewhere, might find hurtful is enough to end your career or ruin your life. Magazine editors are fired for defending "cultural appropriation," as in 2017 when an editor in Canada lost his job for the crime of defending the right of white authors to create characters from other backgrounds. Safe spaces, trigger warnings, microaggression reporting systems, call-out culture, and other such devices become ever more ubiquitous, threatening to neuter culture and intimidate even fellow leftists into silence.
In the end, all this excess reaches truly farcical extremes: political correctness eats itself, as a wonderful old mural that tells a people's history of the United States is destroyed for being "degrading." A paradigm of identity politics that celebrates and weaponizes victimhood brings forth practitioners who claim they're being victimized by having to be reminded of their history as victims. In the name of "empowerment," they want to whitewash a mural whose existence is a blow against whitewashed history, which is the very thing to which identity politics indignantly objects. Political correctness chokes on itself and coughs up self-refuting paradoxes.
In this grotesque autosarcophagy we see the reductio ad absurdum of this whole mode of aggressive liberalism: it becomes a kind of void, a black hole of infinitely dense inhumanity, the postmodern left's version of cultural totalitarianism. It becomes kitsch, virtually without content except to prevent members of "vulnerable" groups from ever feeling the slightest pang of discomfort. That's the universal standard, the standard of acceptable art, acceptable speech, acceptable politics, and acceptable thought. And if you stray outside the bounds of acceptable thought, we'll "cancel" you, hopefully most aspects of your identity: career, social life, public life, especially internet life, since the beautiful anonymity and atomization of the internet are what allow us to besiege you and call out your transgressions against orthodoxy. Ultimately it isn't permittedor at least it's testing our good willeven to state manifest truths, such as that men on average are taller and physically stronger than women, or that, e.g., women tend to be attracted to male dominance (e.g., men taller than they) and the dominant male. No such truths we consider insulting to "marginalized" people can be acknowledged.
Now, as I said, these totalitarian trends are only the reductio ad absurdum of political correctness, and do not invalidate the entire phenomenon known as PC culture. Historically, this multicultural politics that emerged from the radical movements of the 1960s and '70s has had very constructive effects on society. It has been integrally tied to the collective recognition of real history, the history of Native Americans, African-Americans, immigrants, women, and European colonialism. In educational curricula, it has effectively challenged the supremacy of the Western canon of white male writers, such that students now encounter voices from many different cultures and traditions.
Feminism has raised consciousness to a far more civilized level than in the 1960s, when Betty Friedan could write about "the feminine mystique" that dehumanized women. The MeToo moment is just the latest front in a long war to advance women's rights. Similarly, we have identity politics to thank for the historic victories of the gay rights movement, which have at long last made homophobia disreputable.
Even the much-derided concept of "microaggressions" denotes a real situation that minorities and women face. Nathan Robinson of Current Affairs gives examples. When a female physician wearing a stethoscope is repeatedly mistaken for a nurse, that surely gets irritating and can be seen as offensive. When a white woman clutches her purse as a black or Hispanic man approaches, that's a racist microaggression. A particularly egregious example is the time when a black student asked her academic advisor for information about majoring in biology and, "without being asked about her academic record (which was excellent), was casually directed to 'look up less-challenging courses in African American Studies instead.'" Whatever the Supreme Court thinks, the U.S. is still saturated with racism, and unconscious racism is constantly revealing itself in trivial interactions in every social context.
Identity politics and political correctness are far from being the unmitigated evils Donald Trump and Bill Maher apparently think they are. And it's true that in popular movements, excess is inevitable. From the French Revolution to the New Leftand now to the new New Leftpopular enthusiasm has been apt to get out of control and become absurd and even violent (as with Antifa). But that doesn't mean the excess shouldn't be fought when it becomes truly damaging. When a mode of politics starts to ruin the lives of innocent people, discourage independent and honest thinking, and advocate the destruction of valuable works of art, it's time to rein it in.
One of the most striking features of the extreme fringe of political correctnessa fringe that seems to dominate culture more and moreis one of the least talked about: often, it is just a sublimation of the very conditions of neoliberal capitalism that leftists hate. Interpersonal atomization and alienation, gleeful cruelty, schadenfreude run amok, censorship and suppression of dissent, a universal leveling that valorizes groupthink as the highest virtue, and surveillance of daily life and every interaction: these tendencies of late capitalism are somehow refracted into left-wing forms and concerns. The mechanism, actually, of this ironic 'refraction' is probably quite simple: society has become so inhuman and depersonalized, so bureaucratized and anonymized, that people all across the political spectrumnot only leftistsare made pettier, more insecure, sensitive to perceived slights, and mean-spirited (especially online).
We see the "Other" as oppressing ushowever each of us defines the Otherand we lash out to punish it or those who we think manifest it at any given moment. This punitive mentality at least gives us little malicious pleasures that partly compensate for the indignities we're constantly suffering.