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Do we want a capitalist dystopia? The GOP does.

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            Here's the Merriam-Webster definition of dystopia: an imaginary place where people lead dehumanized and often fearful lives. It's a good description of the kind of society promoted by the GOP.

            Of course, Republicans don't go into much detail about what will happen if they get their way. They keep their prescription vague and happy sounding, as in this statement by Mitt Romney:

            "Every time you have an occasion to take something from the federal government and send it back to the states, that's the right direction. And if you can go even further and send it back to the private sector, that's even better."

            In other words, the more privatization the better.

            Romney is part of a highly successful Republican campaign to make the word "public" curdle in the mouths of Americans. Public schools, public sector unions, and public transportation all suffer by association with this word.  

"Private," meaning what belongs exclusively to some individual or group, is full of positive connotations, as in private enterprise, private property and private schools. It signifies what is (or should be) outside the reach of the GOP's favorite whipping boy--government.

This framing of the public/private distinction makes people tolerate what J. K. Galbraith called a combination of "private affluence and public squalor."   It helps explain why politicians are so unwilling to address the $2.2 trillion that the American Society of Civil Engineers tells us we need to fix our aging infrastructure.

Romney wants to turn over to the private sector as many government functions as possible. That means transferring them to corporations, ones that are large enough to carry out such functions as defense, infrastructure creation and maintenance, health insurance, and education.

Romney and his fellow conservatives want what we can call a market society, in which goods and services are allocated as far as possible only by voluntary transactions of individuals and groups of individuals (including corporations).   Government's only legitimate role is to promote and protect markets.

Even in its legitimate role, government should be kept as small as possible. It should intervene in the market as little as possible (as in the French phrase "laissez-faire").

Conservatives offer two sorts of arguments for a market society. The first is that private enterprise is more efficient at just about everything. This argument is has been shown to be badly wrong in important areas such as health insurance.

Because of corporate pressure and Republican anti-government demagoguery, the Obama health care plan is built around our private insurance system. This very inefficient system makes us spend nearly twice as much per person as Canada and much of Europe spend on their government-controlled health care systems. Yet Canada and Europe get generally better results.

            The moral argument for a market society invokes freedom as a supreme social and political value. Walter Williams, a notable libertarian economist, puts it this way: "Even if free enterprise were not more efficient than other forms of human organization, it is morally superior because it is rooted in voluntary relationships rather than force and coercion [by government], and it respects the sanctity of the individual."

            Williams has taken a partial truth and turned it into an absolute. Most of us would agree that a society in which there was no free enterprise, in which government ran the economy, would stifle individual initiative and liberty.

            But this important truth does not imply that we should choose the opposite extreme--a shrunken government subordinated to the perspective and values of private enterprise. Would such a society respect what Williams called "the sanctity of the individual"?

            Most working Americans are employees who do not hold top management positions. They are for sale in a labor market. From a business perspective, they are commodities just like buildings, materials and machinery. They are valued just like the other things consumed in the process of production--they have merely use-value.

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I'm a retired philosophy professor at Centre College. My last book was Posthumanity-Thinking Philosophically about the Future (Rowman & Littlefield, 2004). I am an anti-capitalist.

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