Part II
In the aftermath of the October 7 attacks, Levy visits the south of
Israel and describes it as "bloodcurdling, shocking, upsetting, and
frightening." He chronicles stories of horror and writes, "The smell of
death is everywhere." He bears witness to "the destruction, ashes, and
devastation," acknowledging how hard it was to observe-- while expressing
his hope that Israel will limit their response to a short-term air
attack on Gaza. Rather, what is to follow is a nightmare of the "most
turbulent [year] in Israel's history since the state's founding." He
comments, "I found myself more isolated than ever."
Why? The
reason is his commitment to questioning the across-the-board incitement
to equate the Hamas atrocities with a justification for the "loss of all
restraint." He sees Israelis moving toward the nationalist right-wing
agenda, spurred on by the media (which Levy qualifies as a tool of the
government and "an agent of nationalistic and militant emotions"),
riling up citizens via tales of "kitsch and death." Meanwhile, for
Israelis, either Jewish or Arab, expressing concern for Palestinian
lives in Gaza on social media, in jobs, or in universities results in
questions from the police-- as well as arrests.
While the rest of
the world witnesses the ongoing decimation of Gaza, Levy asserts that
the Israeli broadcasting networks consolidated into "a voice that
supported, justified, and refused to question the war." A disregard for
coverage of bombed Gazan infrastructure, dying children, and a starving
populace is nowhere to be seen.
Levy takes the Israeli left to
task with the same anger he directs to those on the right. Their
post-October 7 responses of "growing numb' and "wising up" don't cut it
for him. He demands that they accept their "responsibility and guilt and
silence." Levy demands that they prepare to ask themselves, "Where were
you when it all happened? Where? You were still sobering up? It's time
for that to end, because it's already getting late. Very late." Levy
questions "their seriousness and resilience." While he's at it, Levy
destroys the assertion that there is a difference between the Labor
Party and the right-wing leadership. He claims that for all of Israel's
governments, the "DNA [for] baseless wars runs deep."
Castigating
the journalists who refer to Hamas as Nazis in what he labels "a
repulsive display of Holocaust trivialization and denial," Levy's
analysis is crystal clear: "This is the dark time. The time of the
barbaric attack by Hamas and the time of the lost conscience and sense
of reason in Israel."
Less than two months after October 7, Levy
has already surmised that Israel has prioritized the destruction of Gaza
over saving the hostages. At this juncture, he is already seeing
Israel's goals receding and its crimes accumulating." He observes, "A
Hanukkah gift of humiliated Palestinians. What could bring more joy?"
By February 2024, Levy reiterates, "The Israeli public must wake up,
and with it, the Biden administration." He despairs at the potential
incursion into Rafah, "the world's biggest displaced persons camp." He
implores Israel, its leaders, and its people to finally "recognize the
limits of force" and to come to terms with the horrors of October 7 and
why it doesn't justify every potential military move in their playbook.
In March 2024, Levy writes, "Five months should be enough for you to get
over not only your reaction, but also your conclusions." On April 10,
the six-month anniversary, Levy concludes that the ongoing destruction
of Gaza is the "worst war" in Israel's history, with no benefits.
While
Levy drives home over and over the irreparable damage to "Israel's
moral reputation" and international standing, he doesn't hesitate to
stress that Israel had the choice to "punish the perpetrators and
October 7"and move on."
Levy delves into the Israeli psyche like a
therapist trying to understand the dysfunctionality of a patient.
Denial is at the top of Levy's list when describing Israeli
psychological coping strategies. He underscores that "Israel ignores
international law" and states that until Israel is called to account and
punished, nothing will change. Throughout the chapters, Levy laments
that "nothing has been learned in war after war." Public debate and
national self-examination are non-existent. Levy bitterly suggests that
the Israeli public is more concerned with the price of apartment
acquisitions and hit pop singers. Arrogance and complacency are Levy's
depiction of the Israeli fallback position. Yet, he doubts that Israel
will learn anything. He underscores that principle by proposing, "The
threats of flattening Gaza prove only one thing: We haven't learned a
thing."
Occupation and apartheid. For Levy, these are the two
elements "which characterize the essence of the Israeli regime more than
anything else." Levy understands the term Zionism in its current
iteration to mean "a belief in Jewish superiority between the [Jordan]
river and the [Mediterranean]
sea. Regarding "democracy," Levy
writes, "When an occupation stops being a temporary one, it defines the
regime of the entire country." With Israel only counting votes of part
of the population under its rule, he asks, "How can one say that this is
not what apartheid looks like?" In a difficult passage, Levy expresses,
"It is not easy to say this, it's hard to write it, but any vote for a
Zionist party is a vote for a continued tyranny posing as a democracy."
The
need for the "moral imperative to look reality straight in the eye" is a
continuous theme for Levy. In the section titled "A Population Transfer
Under the Cover of War," he delves into the unrestrained actions of
Israeli settlers who terrorize Palestinians with threats to "leave their
village within twenty-four hours, otherwise they would be killed."
Israeli activists who volunteer to sleep in those villages to protect
families from daytime violence and nighttime invasions are attacked as
well-- beaten, pepper-sprayed, and bones broken.
The section on the abuse of Palestinian prisoners held at the Sde Teiman military base
is stomach-churning. Hundreds of the prisoners, workers from Gaza who
had permits, were arrested on October 7 without cause. They were
blindfolded, hands zip-tied, and held without hearings. Levy underscores
the "terrible competition over the magnitude of evil. There are no
winners, only losers." When Haaretz asks for a comment from the Prison
Authority, they respond, "We are not familiar with the claims described
[in your article], but to the best of our knowledge, they are not
correct."
Levy deconstructs military language and euphemisms used in responding to incidents, which has inured Israelis to the reality around them. Quoted IDF responses are numerous, disingenuous, and pro forma, along the lines of: "The circumstances of the case are currently being clarified." When October 7 and Hamas are invoked, Levy counters that "none of this gives Israel the right to act similarly." After expressing these views on an Israeli television show, Levy was promptly fired.
"Apathy" enrages Levy. His language is unfaltering, but he doesn't
desist. He writes, "Bloodthirstiness and sadism have come out of the
closet in the past six months and are considered politically correct in
Israel." On the debate about war crimes, Levy suggests that "all decent
Israelis must ask themselves if their country is guilty." After sharing
statistics on structural physical damage and the number of civilian
casualties, Levy asks rhetorically, "Is it possible that these horrific
figures can be without the commission of war crimes?" Levy doesn't
sidestep the answer he demands from logic: "Individuals are responsible
for them, and they must be brought to justice"we can only hope that the
International Criminal Court in the Hague will do its job."
Levy
believes that Israel, at its current nadir, "is a country without
honor." Ignoring the truth may alleviate the reality of disgrace, but it
doesn't change the facts. He references the February 2024 vote
in the Israeli parliament to approve a proposal that would reject the
"unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state." Objecting to the fact
that Israelis "only feel compassion for ourselves," the country has
never "provoked such hatred as it has today." By March of 2024, Levy had
pegged that Israel would become an international pariah, with outcast
status, damage to its economy, and the demise of its very soul.
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