How he might achieve this feat is through an "annexation for immunity" deal. In other words, Netanyahu gives the far-right and the settlers what they want annexation of parts or all of the West Bank and in return, they back immunity legislation.
That was why Netanyahu made an unexpected statement in favour of annexation shortly before polling.
Asked about the pressure for annexation from his coalition partners, he told the media: "We will move to the next stage. I am going to extend [Israeli] sovereignty and I don't distinguish between settlement blocs and the isolated settlements."
Netanyahu has previously rejected formally annexing the West Bank, but not on moral or ideological grounds.
He demurred largely because annexation would bring him grief in western capitals and risk provoking a Palestinian civil rights struggle that might attract global sympathy. In any case, he regards such a step as unnecessary, given that Israel has already annexed the West Bank in all but name.
Nonetheless, Netanyahu would prefer to stay out of the dock. And of late, the stars have been aligning in favour of some kind of annexation.
The world is losing interest in the Palestinian cause, given that it has been presented as intractable by western leaders and there are battles closer to home for many of them.
Trump has shown he will sanction just about any Israeli violation of Palestinian rights if it panders to his Christian evangelical base. And the US president has set a useful precedent for Netanayhu in recently recognising Israel's illegal annexation of the occupied Golan Heights. The principle of victor-takes-all has been established in Washington.
The question, therefore, is increasingly not whether, but what kind of, annexation Netanyahu plans.
It will most likely be done in stages and not referred to as annexation but rather, "extending Israeli sovereignty". Large settlements close to Jerusalem such as Maale Adumim and the Gush Etzion bloc might be first.
But ultimately, Netanyahu's political allies want most of Area C, the two-thirds of the West Bank designated in the Oslo accords as under temporary Israeli control.
This is the most prized territory, including water aquifers and agricultural land. And better still for the Israelis, after decades of administrative ethnic cleansing, it has few Palestinians left there.
Trump was shameless in helping Netanyahu during the election campaign and there is no reason to believe he will get tougher now. His so-called peace plan, if it is finally unveiled after the election, as promised, might make annexation of parts of the West Bank its centrepiece, dressed up as a solution to final-status issues.
Was the Golan Heights debacle a warm-up act, laying the groundwork for an even more audacious move from Trump to save Netanyahu's skin? We may find out soon enough.
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