From Consortium News
For those of us who have taught journalism or worked as editors, a sign that an article is the product of sloppy or dishonest journalism is that a key point will be declared as flat fact when it is unproven or a point in serious dispute -- and it then becomes the foundation for other claims, building a story like a high-rise constructed on sand.
This use of speculation as fact is something to guard against particularly in the work of inexperienced or opinionated reporters. But what happens when this sort of unprofessional work tops page one of The New York Times one day as a major "investigative" article and reemerges the next day in even more strident form as a major Times editorial? Are we dealing then with an inept journalist who got carried away with his thesis or are we facing institutional corruption or even a collective madness driven by ideological fervor?
What is stunning about the lede story in last Friday's print edition of The New York Times is that it offers no real evidence to support its provocative claim that -- as the headline states -- "To Sway Vote, Russia Used Army of Fake Americans" or its subhead: "Flooding Twitter and Facebook, Impostors Helped Fuel Anger in Polarized U.S."
In the old days, this wildly speculative article, which spills over three pages, would have earned an F in a J-school class or gotten a rookie reporter a stern rebuke from a senior editor. But now such unprofessionalism is highlighted by The New York Times, which boasts that it is the standard-setter of American journalism, the nation's "newspaper of record."
In this case, it allows reporter Scott Shane to introduce his thesis by citing some Internet accounts that apparently used fake identities, but he ties none of them to the Russian government. Acting like he has minimal familiarity with the Internet -- yes, a lot of people do use fake identities -- Shane builds his case on the assumption that accounts that cited references to purloined Democratic emails must be somehow from an agent or a bot connected to the Kremlin.
For instance, Shane cites the fake identity of "Melvin Redick," who suggested on June 8, 2016, that people visit DCLeaks which, a few days earlier, had posted some emails from prominent Americans, which Shane states as fact -- not allegation -- were "stolen ... by Russian hackers."
Shane then adds, also as flat fact, that "The site's phony promoters were in the vanguard of a cyberarmy of counterfeit Facebook and Twitter accounts, a legion of Russian-controlled impostors whose operations are still being unraveled."
The Times' Version
In other words, Shane tells us, "The Russian information attack on the election did not stop with the hacking and leaking of Democratic emails or the fire hose of stories, true, false and in between, that battered Mrs. Clinton on Russian outlets like RT and Sputnik. Far less splashy, and far more difficult to trace, was Russia's experimentation on Facebook and Twitter, the American companies that essentially invented the tools of social media and, in this case, did not stop them from being turned into engines of deception and propaganda."
Russian President Vladimir Putin addresses UN General Assembly on Sept. 28, 2015.
(Image by (UN Photo)) Details DMCA
Besides the obvious point that very few Americans watch RT and/or Sputnik and that Shane offers no details about the alleged falsity of those "fire hose of stories," let's examine how his accusations are backed up:
"An investigation by The New York Times, and new research from the cybersecurity firm FireEye, reveals some of the mechanisms by which suspected Russian operators used Twitter and Facebook to spread anti-Clinton messages and promote the hacked material they had leaked. On Wednesday, Facebook officials disclosed that they had shut down several hundred accounts that they believe were created by a Russian company linked to the Kremlin and used to buy $100,000 in ads pushing divisive issues during and after the American election campaign. On Twitter, as on Facebook, Russian fingerprints are on hundreds or thousands of fake accounts that regularly posted anti-Clinton messages."
Note the weasel words: "suspected"; "believe"; 'linked"; "fingerprints." When you see such equivocation, it means that these folks -- both the Times and FireEye -- don't have hard evidence; they are speculating.
And it's worth noting that the supposed "army of fake Americans" may amount to hundreds out of Facebook's two billion or so monthly users and the $100,000 in ads compare to the company's annual ad revenue of around $27 billion. (I'd do the math but my calculator doesn't compute such tiny percentages.)
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