So, what is to be done? This is no time to blame those who are going to be hurt by Trump's draconian policies, nor is it a moment to get in a defensive crouch to fight off only the worst policies in the making without also putting forth a vision of the world we'd actually like to see, a world where people's needs are met with real programs, not diversionary rhetoric and false promises.
Promoting a Government That Works for All
While people like billionaire Elon Musk are busy hatching schemes to dismantle large parts of the federal government, we need to push for an agenda in which the government actually works for everyone. Shifting federal budget priorities toward improving lives and away from war spending and tax breaks for the rich would be a central element of such a program. Pouring resources -- more than a trillion dollars a year -- into the war machine and the national security state starves other priorities, ranging from public health to environmental protection. In fact, defunding such programs, an essential part of Trump's second-term plans, risks another pandemic or the "quad-demic" that health officials have been warning about, as well as increased hunger, untreated medical conditions, and dirtier air and water. The problems to come won't just involve an imbalance on a spreadsheet. There are all too many lives at stake, as surely as lives are at stake in a shooting war.
Imagine how starkly different this country would be if we were to invest in the lives of people rather than filling the coffers of the military-industrial complex. Take the expanded (and fully refundable) child tax credit, or CTC. Created in March 2021 through the American Rescue Plan, this federal policy granted modest monthly cash payments to families with children, including poor families, independent of their work or tax status. Families making less than $150,000 received regular cash infusions they could use to pay daily expenses or shore up slim to nonexistent savings.
The results were staggering. By December 2021, that program had reached more than 61 million children, nearly four million of whom had been lifted above the official poverty line. In its first and only year, official child poverty witnessed a dramatic decline, the single largest drop in American history, including a 25% decrease in poverty among Black children, narrowing the overall racial gap among poor kids. At the time, Moody's estimated that the impact of the CTC on the economy was comparable to, if not greater than, the jobs created through military spending.
Despite its success, the expanded CTC was abandoned as 2021 ended. Two Democrats and 49 Republicans voted to end it, with West Virginia Democratic Senator Joe Manchin claiming that poor families might be using the money to buy drugs. The CTC, of course, hadn't failed. The failure was that of an impoverished democracy, increasingly captive to the interests of the rich and powerful and willing to leave nearly half the population living hand to mouth, despite proven policies that could help lift the load of poverty.
And consider that the real danger of the second Trump administration, which has already appointed a record 13 billionaires to government posts, is its debt to the enormously wealthy at the expense of the rest of us. You need look no further than Trump's cozy relationship with future trillionaire Elon Musk. As co-head of the new Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, with business interests in the very institutions he'll have some authority over, Musk will also, it seems, have an undue influence on future federal budgets, priorities, and programs. Indeed, DOGE co-chairs Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy have already set their sights on shutting down the Department of Education and cutting about one-third of the federal government's annual budget, or $2 trillion.
We're preparing for this and more in the coming weeks and months, but it doesn't need to be this way.
What Is to Be Done?
In 1968, as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was organizing against the triple evils of racism, militarism, and poverty in what would be the last crusade of his life, he said, "Power for poor people will really mean having the ability, the togetherness, the assertiveness, and the aggressiveness to make the power structure of this nation say yes when they may be desirous to say no." His theory of change was to turn those most adversely impacted by poverty into a political force powerful enough not to be denied, even by the greatest economic and military power in the world.
Under the second Trump administration, there will be a torrent of emergencies to deal with, including threats of mass deportation, the shredding of the social safety net, and attacks on efforts to promote racial and economic justice and gender equality. Some of this will be new to us, including potentially massive immigration raids on schools and churches, while much of it has already been unfolding at a state level. For example, in 2024 alone, more than 650 bills were introduced nationwide to restrict the rights of trans people. Because such bills were massively unpopular, well over 600 of them failed. This may change, however, if they're taken up at the federal level in 2025.
As people of conscience fight back against such assaults, we should connect that resistance to calls for a government that reflects our deepest values and commitments to justice. To fight for such a future means making demands that are far beyond what's politically possible now. Simply resisting what Donald Trump's government tries to do won't be enough. We need to build public support for a robust, carefully crafted plan for public investment that will be a viable stepping-stone toward a more equitable, peaceful, and just world.
During the first Trump administration, the Poor People's Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival produced an ambitious social and economic agenda, "The Poor People's Moral Budget: Everybody's Got a Right to Live." It called for the right to living-wage jobs, affordable housing, debt cancellation, strong anti-poverty programs, guaranteed adequate income, and much more. It made clear that, through far fairer taxation and the shifting of funds from bloated military budgets to programs of social uplift, it would be possible to "lift from the bottom" in America.
Imagine a country where everyone could exist free of the fear of poverty, hunger, homelessness, or lack of access to quality health care. Of course, trying to shift this country's priorities in such a way would pose a major political challenge, but social and political organizations and movements have succeeded in the past, even in the darkest of times. The organizing of the Citizen's Army during the Mine Wars in West Virginia early in the last century and the birth of the labor union movement successfully pressured both corporations and the government for better wages and working conditions that workers still benefit from today. In the midst of the Great Depression of the 1930s, military veterans in the Bonus Army Encampment in Washington, D.C., demanded that the government pay those promised "bonuses" and won. The Black Panther Party's Free Breakfast Programs fed more children in the late 1960s than any other institutional entity. It paved the way for free breakfast and lunch programs in public schools across the country, while calling out the failures of the government to provide life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness for all people. During those same years, welfare rights leaders formed the largest poor people's organization of the time and secured essential benefits for tens of thousands of people, while more than doubling the amount of federal support flowing to the poorest Americans.
Because they did it then, we can do it now.
This is not to suggest that shifting funds from the Pentagon to domestic programs is a magic solution to America's economic problems. Even cutting the Pentagon budget in half would not be enough to meet all this country's unmet needs. That would require a comprehensive package, involving a major shift in budget priorities, an increase in federal revenues, and a crackdown on waste, fraud, and abuse in the expenditure of government loans and grants. It would, in fact, require the kind of attention and focus now reserved for war planning.
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