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The Pipeline That Became a Lifeline

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.
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The Oil Exists, but Can It Reach the Market?

One of the most important distinctions in understanding the current crisis is the difference between petroleum reserves and petroleum availability. Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates have not suddenly lost their enormous geological reserves. The oil remains underground.

But underground oil does not determine tomorrow morning's gasoline price. Oil must be produced, transported through pipelines, loaded onto tankers, insured, shipped, unloaded, refined and distributed. Interrupt enough links in that chain and effective global supply falls even though the petroleum itself continues to exist.

The International Energy Agency describes the Middle East war as having produced the largest oil-supply disruption in the history of the global petroleum market. Its September Oil Market Report estimates that Gulf oil exports in August were approximately 13 million barrels per day, nearly half their prewar level. The IEA also reports that the most severe tightness is increasingly appearing in refined petroleum products rather than crude alone. [10]

The U.S. Energy Information Administration reaches a similar conclusion from another direction. Its September Short-Term Energy Outlook estimates that global oil inventories fell by an average of approximately 3.9 million barrels per day during the second quarter of 2026 and projects another substantial draw during the third and fourth quarters. The agency expects Middle Eastern export constraints to persist through the end of the year and warns that changing conditions in Hormuz and alternative export routes will continue producing significant price volatility. [11]

This helps explain why the attack on one Saudi pipeline can move markets disproportionately. Traders are not merely calculating how many barrels were physically lost during the attack. They are calculating the probability that future barrels will fail to reach buyers.

The War Has Arrived at the Gas Pump

For Americans, the consequences are becoming increasingly visible. EIA daily price data for September 10 showed Brent crude at $120.98 per barrel and West Texas Intermediate at $103.57. The same data showed the national average retail price of regular gasoline at approximately $4.30 per gallon and diesel at $6.06 per gallon. [12]

AAA reported that the national gasoline average rose approximately 13 cents in a single week, from about $4.14 to $4.27, even though this is normally a period when gasoline prices begin declining as summer driving demand fades. By September 12, AAA's national average had reached approximately $4.31 per gallon. [12]

Diesel may ultimately be even more economically important than gasoline. Trucks carry food, medicine, consumer products, construction materials and industrial goods. Farmers, heavy equipment and much of the freight economy depend upon diesel. When diesel reaches approximately $6 per gallon, the additional transportation cost does not remain at the truck stop. It gradually enters the price of the goods being transported.

The IEA reports that the global diesel and gasoil market is experiencing even more severe stress than crude. U.S. diesel prices in international market terms surged above $200 per barrel in early September, almost double their prewar level. Refinery margins have consequently reached extraordinary levels. [10]

The EIA also expects U.S. distillate inventories, including diesel and heating oil, to fall below 100 million barrels during September and remain below their recent five-year range through the end of 2026 and much of 2027. That means even a future easing of crude-oil prices would not necessarily translate immediately into inexpensive diesel. [11]

Saudi Arabia Faces the Yemen Question Again

The Houthi advance has placed Saudi Arabia in a particularly difficult position. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman asked President Trump for U.S. military assistance against the Houthis, according to Reuters. Washington has so far declined to launch another direct American military campaign against them. U.S. officials told ABC News that the administration is instead offering Saudi Arabia intelligence and targeting assistance. [1][13]

That distinction is important. The immediate military question is increasingly not whether the United States will expand its war by bombing Yemen, but what Saudi Arabia and its Yemeni allies will do about the expanding Houthi position.

Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces have already fought the Houthi advance, and Saudi Arabia has powerful reasons not to allow an Iran-aligned armed movement to consolidate control around Bab el-Mandeb. Yet Riyadh also knows from years of war in Yemen how difficult and expensive defeating the Houthis can be.

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D. Social Media Pages: Facebook Page       Twitter page url on login Profile not filled in       Linkedin page url on login Profile not filled in       Instagram Page

I was born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States in 1976 to study psychology. Over time, America became my home, and I later became a U.S. citizen. My professional career has centered on clinical neuropsychology, particularly (more...)
 
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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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(Member since Dec 13, 2006), 6 fans, 155 articles, 166 quicklinks, 1082 comments (How many times has this commenter been recommended?)
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Saudi Arabia's Dangerous Zigzag

Saudi Arabia's present oil crisis exposes a deeper weakness that has been developing for years. The kingdom possesses extraordinary petroleum wealth, enormous financial reserves and one of the world's most important energy companies, yet its security remains hostage to geography. Most Saudi oil production is concentrated in the east, close to the Persian Gulf and Iran, while the East-West pipeline was supposed to provide an escape route to Yanbu when the Strait of Hormuz became dangerous. Now drones have struck that pipeline, while the Iran-aligned Houthis have advanced around Bab el-Mandeb, threatening the other end of Saudi Arabia's alternative export system. The pipeline had recently been carrying roughly 4 to 5 million barrels a day, about 5 percent of global supply. Saudi oil exports have consequently become a strategic vulnerability rather than simply an economic asset.

The irony is that Riyadh has repeatedly changed its approach toward Iran. For decades Saudi Arabia treated the Islamic Republic as its principal regional competitor. Their rivalry extended through Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Bahrain and especially Yemen. Relations were severed completely in 2016. Then, in 2023, Mohammed bin Salman reversed course and accepted a Chinese-brokered reconciliation with Tehran, reopening diplomatic relations and attempting to replace confrontation with managed coexistence. The calculation was understandable. Vision 2030 required stability, foreign investment and protection of Saudi infrastructure from missiles and drones. But reconciliation never eliminated the underlying strategic competition, and Iran never abandoned its relationship with the Houthis.

Saudi policy has consequently swung between confrontation and accommodation. Riyadh fought a devastating war against the Houthis beginning in 2015, later sought an exit from that war, reconciled with Tehran, reduced tensions with the Houthis and tried to concentrate on economic modernization. Now the kingdom again faces an empowered Houthi movement threatening Red Sea shipping while drones launched from Iraqi territory have struck the pipeline designed to protect Saudi exports from disruption at Hormuz. The Saudi leadership may therefore find itself being pulled back toward the Yemeni battlefield it spent years trying to leave.

There is also an uncomfortable domestic dimension. Saudi Arabia's immense petroleum income supports both the state and an extraordinarily wealthy royal establishment. Mohammed bin Salman's 2017 anti-corruption campaign detained princes, ministers and businessmen and extracted enormous financial settlements. Yet the process itself was criticized for its secrecy, coercion and absence of normal judicial procedures. That contradiction remains important. A government trying to modernize its economy and attract international investment still operates through an extraordinarily concentrated monarchy in which political power, royal wealth and control of national resources are closely intertwined.

The deeper Saudi problem is that enormous wealth cannot eliminate geography. Riyadh cannot easily defeat Iran, but it cannot completely trust Iran either. It cannot comfortably accept an increasingly powerful Houthi movement on its southern border and around Bab el-Mandeb, yet another major war in Yemen could reproduce the failures and enormous costs of the previous one. At the same time, Saudi Arabia's most important export routes remain exposed.

That is the Saudi dilemma behind the oil headlines. Riyadh has alternated between confronting Tehran, negotiating with Tehran and attempting to insulate itself economically from Tehran. None of those strategies has removed the fundamental problem. Saudi Arabia's enormous wealth ultimately has to leave the kingdom through pipelines, ports and narrow waterways located in one of the most militarized regions on Earth. The latest pipeline attack has demonstrated something the Saudi royal family cannot buy its way out of: even the escape route has become part of the war.

Submitted on Saturday, Sep 12, 2026 at 4:06:52 PM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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The World's Most Expensive Traffic Control System

The latest development makes the argument of this article even stronger. The problem is no longer simply whether the Strait of Hormuz is technically open or closed. The United States is now managing commercial shipping through an increasingly complicated military system just to keep vessels moving.

CENTCOM says that, as of September 11, American forces had redirected 99 commercial vessels while enforcing the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports. That is essentially 100 ships whose normal movements have been altered by the conflict. At the same time, the United States has changed the protection system for tankers crossing Hormuz. Instead of providing broad overnight air protection, ships are now being encouraged to cross during specific protected time windows because Iranian attacks have made nighttime passages particularly dangerous.

This is an extraordinary situation for the world's most important oil corridor. Commercial shipping is increasingly operating according to military schedules. Tanker captains, shipping companies and insurers must consider not only destination, cargo and weather, but Iranian attacks, American blockade enforcement and when U.S. aircraft can provide protection. The Strait may be physically open, but this is hardly normal freedom of navigation.

The numbers show the consequences. Reuters reported this week that even after the remarkable growth of so-called "dark crossings," in which tankers switch off their AIS transponders while passing through dangerous waters, Gulf oil exports remain roughly one-third below their prewar level. Estimated exports are running around 15 to 16 million barrels per day rather than approximately 25 million before the war. Brent crude has moved above $100, while diesel supplies have become particularly tight.

And now the alternatives are becoming dangerous too. Saudi Arabia's East-West pipeline, the principal route designed to move Saudi crude to the Red Sea without passing through Hormuz, has been shut following the drone attack discussed in this article. That pipeline had recently been carrying roughly 4 to 5 million barrels per day. Meanwhile, the Houthis have advanced around the other great regional chokepoint, Bab el-Mandeb, increasing the threat to Red Sea shipping.

There is an additional irony. While American naval power is attempting to restrict Iran's oil exports and weaken Tehran economically, Iran and its regional allies are demonstrating that they can impose costs on the movement of everybody else's oil as well. Iran itself is suffering badly from the American blockade, but the economic battlefield now extends far beyond Iranian exports.

That is why counting barrels sitting underground or waiting at Gulf terminals no longer tells us enough. The critical measurement is becoming deliverable oil: barrels that can actually leave a terminal, pass through a pipeline or chokepoint, obtain insurance, survive the journey and reach a refinery on schedule.

Nearly 100 redirected commercial vessels, protected transit windows through Hormuz, tankers disappearing from tracking systems, a damaged Saudi bypass pipeline and Houthi pressure near Bab el-Mandeb are not separate stories. They are pieces of the same emerging system.

The oil is there. The routes are becoming the weapon.

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Submitted on Saturday, Sep 12, 2026 at 4:18:19 PM

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