Of course, history is not shaped by wishful thinking or even good intentions. It would take much more than a chant, no matter how powerful, or a slogan, no matter how expressive, to reverse vicious cycles of corruption, poverty and authoritarian rules that have lasted the entirety of modern history.
In almost every single post-Arab revolt scenario, the responsibility of guiding these nations back to the path, political and economic recovery was handed back to the very elites that either previously ruled or co-existed and benefited from the very dictators who were, supposedly, overthrown.
It was an interesting and strange spectacle to see the revolutionary momentum in each rebelling Arab country coming to a sudden halt, or change directions all together. Egypt was a prime example of these contradictions. It was not the lack of fervor or passion about these revolutions but rather the innocent and naive assumption that the ruling elites would design a system of equitable economic opportunity and economic transparency, all on their own.
The flimsy transitions that defined every Arab revolutionary experience were all that the old regimes and their benefactors needed to regain initiative and reverse the gains, however symbolic of the Arab masses. It was telling that British Prime Minister, David Cameron was the first foreign Head of State to visit Egypt after the January 25 Revolution (only ten days after Hosni Mubarak was overthrown), since he was also joined by representatives of major arms dealers and military contractors. He came to offer weapons to Egypt's military rulers, which was the last thing that poor Egypt needed at the time.
It is also quite rational to also read recent headlines such as 'Kerry Sees Improved Egypt Ties Despite Human Rights Tensions', as Bloomberg reported on US Secretary of State, John Kerry's visit to Cairo on August 2, also offering fighter jets and other weapons.
The "Arab Spring" has not, as of yet, achieved any of its objectives, for neither bread is available in abundance, nor is freedom any closer, nor is social justice at hand. It did, however, energize Arab elites, armies and regimes, which became more aware than ever before of their own vulnerabilities.
Fear is now gripping most Arab countries which once thought of themselves as invincible and of their own people as forever docile. That realization has resulted in a massive regional conflict and political realignments, which has turned every single Arab popular revolt into a regional conflict or war that crossed borders, inspiring extremist groups and inviting yet more western intervention and war.
The Arab world, and the Middle East, in general, has not experienced such a major geopolitical upheaval since the early 20th Century, when Ottoman territories were divided among old colonial European powers, all the way to War World II. The outcome of this upheaval is likely to be as earth shattering as these past experiences, if not more, due to the popular element in these conflicts.
But one of the most defining shifts of "Arab Spring" priorities is the reversal of the narrative from its basic, innocent, unifying, empowering and popular articulation, into a complicated, cunning, disuniting, disempowering and elitist one, where the people do not matter, in the least.
Language is an essential tool, if one aims to understand political priorities of any historical phase situated in time and place. The language at work in the Middle East is one that speaks of a conflict between regional rivals, utilizing sects, tribes and religions to achieve political objectives. As for the people, they are increasingly pushed back to the margins, only to emerge briefly when state ceremonies compel them to wave flags that long ceased to hold much national meaning, and posters of rulers - smiling, triumphant and, as ever, brutal.
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