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A Trump Impeachment Has Risks, But They Are Worth Taking

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5. The reason it is politically foolish to reject impeachment is simple: while it is true that an impeachment process, along with Congressional Republican efforts to obstruct it, is bound to further inflame Trump's base, it is also true that Trump's base is already highly inflamed, and for all intents and purposes can be regarded as politically immovable. Further, it is certain that Trump will continue to employ every demagogic tool in his dictatorial playbook to further inflame this base, regardless of what the Democrats do or do not do. Democrats need not worry about the effect of impeachment on Trump's supporters. For Trump will continue his permanent campaign of xenophobia and red-baiting regardless, and he will also continue to attack Democrats and Mueller for their so-called "witch hunt" and Russia "hoax."

It seems likely that Trump and Barr will also commence some kind of investigation of the Mueller investigation itself. Trump will do this because he is a cruel and vengeful man, but also because he knows that such moves will further energize the sick synergy between him and his base. Democrats cannot simply "move beyond" the Mueller Report, because it is pointless, and Trump will not move beyond it anyway. It's like a gigantic elephant -- or should I say JACKASS -- in the room. It is unavoidable.

6. The reason why it makes sense to move toward impeachment is equally simple: while Trump's base is beyond the pale, the Democratic base is very much in play, and much of this base is already strongly mobilized against Trump. The House Democratic leadership can try to put a brake on this. But this would be very short-sighted. Because this mobilized base is a key to victory in 2020 and beyond, just as it was key to the "blue wave" in 2018.7. This does not mean that "collusion with Russia" or even "obstruction" is or ever was the central political concern of most Americans, and it surely does not mean that impeachment is in any simple sense a sufficient political strategy to oppose Trumpism. But it does mean that after all of the rhetoric and posturing and mobilizing around "resistance," where "resistance" meant not simply "win the next election" but "oppose a despotic president," it is foolish, and indeed unrealistic, to imagine that it is possible now, after the very real revelations of the Mueller Report, to have a political opposition based simply on "what the voters want" or "bread and butter issues."

Political indignation, and political energy, cannot be turned on and off like that, even if some self-important politicians like to think they can do it. The effort to do so is unquestionably counter-productive. It is a form of political bad faith. And it is a "play it safe" strategy at a time in which fundamental questions about the future are at stake, and the other side the side of Trump and his Republican Party will stop at nothing to win.

7. This does not mean that "collusion with Russia" or even "obstruction" is or ever was the central political concern of most Americans, and it surely does not mean that impeachment is in any simple sense a sufficient political strategy to oppose Trumpism. But it does mean that after all of the rhetoric and posturing and mobilizing around "resistance," where "resistance" meant not simply "win the next election" but "oppose a despotic president," it is foolish, and indeed unrealistic, to imagine that it is possible now, after the very real revelations of the Mueller Report, to have a political opposition based simply on "what the voters want" or "bread and butter issues." Political indignation, and political energy, cannot be turned on and off like that, even if some self-important politicians like to think they can do it. The effort to do so is unquestionably counter-productive. It is a form of political bad faith. And it is a "play it safe" strategy at a time in which fundamental questions about the future are at stake, and the other side -- the side of Trump and his Republican Party -- will stop at nothing to win.

8. While the political indictment of Trump is no magic bullet, it now is thus a necessary part of a broader strategy to expose Trump and to weaken him, his party, and what they stand for. As I have argued repeatedly for two years, the notion that we should stop focusing on Trump and focus on "the real issues" rests on two equally absurd ideas: that Trump's authoritarianism is not itself a major issue, and that Trump's authoritarian means are not inextricably linked to his terrible in-egalitarian policy goals the "issues" of which others speak.

Trump is hostile to civil rights and civil liberties.

Trump is hostile to the norms of pluralist democracy and the equal voting rights of citizens.

Trump is hostile to all forms of social citizenship: labor rights, social rights, reproductive freedoms, "social security" broadly conceived, and environmental stewardship.

Trump, in short, is hostile to civic equality and to democracy.

9. This hostility is a thread that runs through all of his major initiatives: the effort to destroy the Affordable Care Act and replace it with nothing; the effort to appoint corporate executives hostile to regulation to head major regulatory agencies; the tax cuts and court appointments; the policies of policing, detention, incarceration, and deportation; "the wall"; the corruption of the Justice Department and the gutting of voting rights enforcement; the rhetorical mobilization of hostility to political opponents and to the free press.

I am not saying that there is a simple bright orange line linking all of these things together. But the links are real nonetheless.

And all of these things are inextricably linked to Trump's more general hostility to due process; his nepotism, corruption, and manifest violations of the emoluments clause of the Constitution; the ways he is using his office to enrich himself and his family; and the ways that his conduct displays an utter contempt for the concerns ordinary citizens.

In all of these ways, Trump has endangered important elements of civic equality, the rule of law, and orderly governance. And at every step along the way, the Republican Party has supported and enabled him. To politically indict Trump is thus also to indict, by implication, the entire Republican Party. And it is to make a very public case for their replacement.

10. Placing the Mueller Report in this broad narrative is not only possible. It is indeed fully consistent with the House Democratic majority's first major piece of legislation: HR 1, the "For the People Act," passed by an almost straight party-line vote, 234-193. This legislation is all about democracy, focusing on transparency, accountability, voting rights, and electoral reform. And by opposing and denouncing this bill, the Republicans have made their opposition to these concerns clear. HR 1 does not include universal health care or a $15 federal minimum wage or debt relief for college students or affordable housing or any kind of Green New Deal. But all of these things are animated by the same broadly egalitarian spirit that animates HR 1. And only through greater democratization of the political process will it be possible not simply to win the next election, but to perhaps mobilize a progressive majority, and to build the kind of broad public support necessary to sustain the kinds of policies mentioned above.

Democracy. For the People. Against Trump. Begin the impeachment of Trump. These things go together.

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