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In September 2007, retired Air Force lieutenant colonel and historian William Astore emailed me out of the blue. He'd been reading TomDispatch articles on this country's Global War on Terror, especially the invasion of, and never-ending conflict in, Iraq. And as a former military man, something struck him: the staggering rows of medals and ribbons our military commanders then leading this country in its disastrous wars displayed on their uniforms, unbelievably more than our victorious generals wore in World War II. He commented on how those bemedaled losers reminded him of the bemedaled Russian generals in the years before the Soviet Union went down in a heap. I instantly wrote back urging him to consider doing a piece for TD on the subject and he promptly did so, beginning it this way: "It's time to save the military from itself" a phrase, as he suggests today, that's no less appropriate in 2023 than it was in 2007.
He asked a question then that was too seldom considered in the American mainstream media of that moment: "Why are we spilling blood and treasure with such reckless abandon?" And he was struck by this strange reality as well, considering how poorly America's wars in Afghanistan and Iraq were then going: "In a country founded on civilian control of the military, it's disturbing indeed that, as a New York Times/CBS poll indicated recently, Americans trust their generals three times as much as Congress and 13 times as much as the President. Indeed, ribbons have proliferated like nuclear missiles during the Cold War. I counted nine rows on [Iraq war commander General David] Petraeus' left breast during his Congressional hearings. If they were a valid metric across time, he would be roughly thrice as capable and valorous as George C. Marshall, perhaps America's greatest soldier-statesman, who somehow ran and won a world war while wearing only three rows of ribbons."
And so it's gone in these disastrous years of the never-ending Global War on Terror. And now, 16 years and 102 TomDispatch pieces later, Astore returns to ask, in essence, what a Pentagon and a military that hadn't run off the rails almost literally every rail in sight might look like. Tom
What Would Real "National Defense" Look Like?
13 Tasks and 3 Maxims for a Very Different Pentagon
A progressive Pentagon? Talk about an oxymoron! The Pentagon continues to grow and surge with ever larger budgets, ever more expansive missions (for example, a Space Force to dominate the heavens and yet more bases in the Pacific to encircle China), and ever greater ambitions to dominate everywhere, including if necessary through global thermonuclear warfare. No wonder it's so hard, to the point of absurdity, to imagine a Pentagon that would humbly and faithfully serve only the interests of "national defense."
Yet, as a thought experiment, why not imagine it? What would a progressive Pentagon look like? I'm not talking about a "woke" Pentagon that touts and celebrates its "diversity," including its belated acceptance of LGBTQ+ members. I'm glad the Pentagon is arguably more diverse and tolerant now than when I served in the Air Force beginning in the early 1980s. Yet, as a popular meme has it, painting "Black Lives Matter" and rainbow flags on B-52 bombers doesn't make the bombs dropped any less destructive. To be specific: Was it really a progressive milestone that the combat aircraft in last year's Super Bowl flyover were operated and maintained entirely by female crews? Put differently, are the bullets and bombs of trans Black G.I. Jane somehow more tolerant and less deadly than cis White G.I. Joe's?
A progressive military shouldn't stop with "more Black faces in high places," more female generals "leaning in" around conference tables, and similar so-called triumphs for diversity. Consider Lloyd Austin, the first Black secretary of defense, whose views and actions have been little different from those of former Defense Secretaries James Mattis or Donald Rumsfeld, and whose background as a retired Army four-star general and well-paid former board member of Raytheon makes him the very stereotype of Dwight D. Eisenhower's military-industrial complex.
No, all-female air crews aren't nearly enough. Indeed, they are, I'd argue, a form of "woke" camouflage for a predatory military leopard that refuses to change its spots or curb its appetite.
A truly progressive military should start with the fundamentals. All service members swear an oath to support and defend the Constitution, the system of laws that defines and enshrines our vital rights and freedoms (speech, a free press, the right to assemble, privacy, and so on); in short, the right to live untrammeled by domineering forces. Yet, almost by definition, that right is threatened, if not violated, by a massive military-industrial-congressional complex that penetrates nearly every domain of American life. That complex, after all, is anti-democratic, shrouded in secrecy, and jealous of its power, as well as fundamentally and profoundly anti-progressive. Indeed, it's fundamentally and profoundly anti-truth.
Consider these hard facts. All too many Americans didn't know how badly they'd been lied to about the Vietnam War until the Pentagon Papers emerged near the end of that disastrous conflict. All too many Americans didn't know how badly they'd been lied to about the Afghan War until the Afghan War Papers emerged near the end of that disastrous conflict. All too many Americans didn't know how badly they'd been lied to about the Iraq War until the myth of Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction (which had been part of the bogus rationale for invading that country) crumbled; nor did they know how badly they continued to be lied to until the myth of the American "surge" there collapsed when the Islamic State forces triumphed all too easily over an American-built Iraqi security structure that collapsed like a rotten house of cards. Perhaps some of them didn't truly know until a loudmouthed Republican candidate for president, Donald J. Trump, dared to say that the Iraq War had been an unmitigated disaster, or, in Trump-speak, "a big fat mistake." That burst of honesty helped him win the presidency in 2016. (His rival in that election, Hillary Clinton, remained essentially the chief spokesperson for the Pentagon.)
Yet despite the horrendous failures (and war crimes) of Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq, and other U.S. military ventures of this century, no one is ever punished! Sure, you could point to Donald Rumsfeld being cashiered as secretary of defense amid the rubble of "the Global War on Terror," a belated admission by the administration of President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney that the Iraq War was going poorly indeed. Still, all those cracks were later papered over with the myth of "the surge" and when Rumsfeld died in 2021, he would receive remarkably glowing tributes in obituaries, as well as bipartisan salutes for his "service" to America rather than condemnation for his numerous crimes and blunders.
The Pentagon's rampant culture of dishonesty, a cancer that above all infects the brass, led one serving Army officer, Lieutenant Colonel Paul Yingling, to write a now-renowned (or, if you're part of the Pentagon, infamous) paper for Armed Forces Journal in 2007 on America's failure of generalship. As he memorably noted, a U.S. Army private suffered far more dearly for losing a rifle than America's generals did for losing a war. The Army's response was no surprise to change nothing, leading Yingling to retire early.
13 Tasks for a Progressive Pentagon
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