Theocracies with a religious test for entry are noteworthy. Two obvious cases are Congregationalist New England of the 17th Century, and Mormon Utah of the 19th Century. Each was marked by egalitarian sharing of rents among the faithful. Neither was able or wanted to expand its example to encompass other faiths, however, except via conversion.
California has quite a history of taxing land for public benefits. But what public? California cannot exclude U.S. citizens directly, but does so indirectly by winking at the widespread use of illegal alien labor for stoop and sweatshop work. These aliens repel eastern U.S. immigrants, while the aliens, mostly non-voting, are excluded from most public benefits.
Another set of successes came from selling voters on the gains from growth and immigration. Henry George was apparently elected Mayor of New York City in 1886 (although counted out). He had Irish support, but was not selling an ethnic machine -Tammany and the Irish Catholic hierarchy turned against him. He preached on the benefits of growth. Immigrants would not dilute rents as much as they augmented them, said George. It is a central point he underscores in his major work, Progress and Poverty.
Edward Polak (1915), a George supporter in The Bronx Borough, repeated George's argument in supporting the proposed exemption of buildings in New York City - an exemption that was implemented, 1922-32, with a strong boost from Governor Al Smith. [xix] Now, however, there is a visible loss of belief in economies of scale of population - except in dying towns whose people feel their loss keenly, too late.
George also brought out a countervailing point that Cannan, in his exclusive concern with protecting high central rents from invasion, overlooked. Taxes on the use and improvement of marginal lands sterilize them, said George, "and tend to drive population and wealth from them to the great cities" (George, 1890, "The Single Tax: What it is and Why we Urge it," in The Christian Advocate). Godfrey Dunkley argues convincingly that that is what VAT did, when South Africa adopted it for the very purpose of making marginalized blacks pay taxes. [xx] That is not the last word on the subject either, but shows there is more to it than Cannan began to disclose. As George maintained, aborting rent on marginal land, not just rent-sharing on superior land, distorts locational decisions.
Chambers of Commerce and Real Estate Boards have generally followed the same tack as George, touting the gains of growth. In the single-tax era in western Canada, that crested ca. 1919, organized real estate people were a major force promoting the exemption of buildings. [xxi] They often support land tax increases: some of them even opposed Proposition 13 in California. They recognize the role of infrastructure in promoting economic development, and the benefits of untaxing buildings. Chambers of Commerce, however, now put much more emphasis on attracting capital than labor. Changes in fiscal federalism, discussed below, have reshaped their incentives and attitudes.
Public universities have been a screening device attracting an especially desired form of immigrant. Local support for education is, however, lopsided, overbalanced for graduate and technical education.
In sum, local growth-orientation has become too weak, partial, and spasmodic to overcome the restrictive force of local particularism, which today dominates policy almost everywhere. The resulting exclusionary policies, when practiced by all or most localities, drive landless proles from pillar to post until they become so desperate they will serve landowner-employers for very little. It is not enough to "think globally": we must act globally. "Some for the Glories of This World, and some/ sigh for the Prophet's Paradise to come; --. Now, it seems, to win some glories of this world we must do more than just sigh for the Prophet's Paradise, we must work for it.
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