For more than a decade, Kahane's message has been echoed from within the government. Lieberman has heavily promoted a "static transfer" programme, in which communities such as Umm al-Fahm and hundreds of thousands of Palestinian citizens would find themselves cast outside Israel through the redrawing of borders. They would be stripped of their citizenship.
After Lieberman announced his plan, it was backed by the right-wing prime minister of the time, Ariel Sharon. More recently, the proposal has won support from Netanyahu.
Lieberman has also been at the forefront of a popular Israeli discourse that demands Palestinian citizens demonstrate their loyalty to a Jewish state or more precisely, a state that abides by the far-right positions of Netanyahu's government.
By those standards, Palestinian citizens are bound to fail and appear disloyal.
It is within that framework that the Central Elections Committee, while approving Otzma Yehudit, banned a major Palestinian party, Balad, from running in April's election.
It did so on the grounds that Balad opposes Israel being a Jewish state and demands it become a state belonging to all its citizens, or a liberal democracy, which would give equal rights to Palestinian and Jewish citizens.
Incitement over forest firesConstant incitement against Palestinians has come from the prime minister down.
Two years ago, for example, Netanyahu accused Palestinian citizens of being behind forest fires that raged across Israel, in what he claimed was an attempt to burn down the state. This smear dominated front pages, even though authorities never produced any evidence for it.
But it has contributed to an intensifying racism shared among much of the Israeli Jewish public, as consistently demonstrated in polls.
According to one in December, 88 percent would object to their son befriending a girl belonging to Israel's Palestinian minority, and 90 percent would oppose their daughter being friends with an Arab boy. Nearly half do not want a Palestinian citizen as a neighbour.
Annexing the West BankMeanwhile, in the occupied territories, Kahane's calls for Jewish sovereignty over the West Bank and at the hyper-sensitive holy site of Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in Jerusalem are now a staple of the Netanyahu government's discourse.
Ministers such as Bennett and Shaked, as well as senior members of Netanyahu's own Likud party, openly speak about seeking to annex large swaths of the West Bank.
At the same time, Al-Aqsa Mosque which Israeli Jews call Temple Mount has become ever-more a flashpoint, as the right focuses its attention on asserting a stronger Jewish presence there and tightening Israel's control over the site. Tensions there have again risen in recent days.
Were he alive today, Kahane would be delighted at how much influence he has exerted over the subsequent period not only on popular discourse in Israel, but on the strategic aims of Israeli governments.
And now, his disciples in Otzma Yehudit have a chance, care of Netanyahu, to carry on Kahane's work from inside the next government and to accelerate the pace of change.
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