Until after the Civil War, however, "immigrants" meant White Europeans -- the only people then allowed to become citizens. Citizenship by birth, mandated by the 14th Amendment after the Civil War, complicated that picture because non-Whites born in U.S. territories also became citizens. To avoid this, the country quickly began to racially restrict immigration. By the late twentieth century, the right to immigrate and more equal rights inside the country were extended to non-Whites. But those rights were always fragile and accompanied by anti-immigrant and deportation campaigns, increasingly justified with the concept of "illegality."
Developments in the twenty-first century clearly suggest that the arc of history does not necessarily bend toward justice, as a racial deportation regime resurges in a major fashion under President Donald Trump. He, of course, has long distinguished between "shithole countries" and "countries like Norway" as he continues to tighten the screws around most immigrants from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, while recently ostentatiously welcoming White Afrikaaners from South Africa.
The Trump administration's repressive treatment of immigrants includes endless border militarization, the stripping of legal status from hundreds of thousands of immigrants, inventing increasingly draconian excuses for deportation, expanding immigrant incarceration, and pursuing exotic extraterritorial imprisonment and deportation schemes, including pressuring and bribing countries ranging from Costa Rica and Venezuela to Libya and South Sudan to take people forcibly deported from the United States. Others are being disappeared into prisons in Guanta'namo and El Salvador.
Strangely -- or maybe not so strangely -- at the same time that the United States is deporting such "despicable human beings," it's demanding the extradition of others, including dozens of Mexicans. "The previous Administration allowed these criminals to run free and commit crimes all over the world," Trump complained. "The United States' intention is to extend its justice system," a Mexican security analyst explained, so that the U.S. can prosecute Mexicans for crimes committed in Mexico. Forcibly moving people works both ways.
Connecting the U.S. and Israel Through Importation-Deportation
The colonial importation-deportation-incarceration regimes of the United States and Israel are intertwined in many ways. Of course, the U.S. decision to strictly limit Jewish (and other southern and eastern European) immigration in the 1920s contributed to the desperate search of European Jews for refuge in the Hitlerian years to come -- and to the growth of Zionism, and the postwar migration to Israel.
The new United Nations -- made up primarily of colonizers who had been keen to deport (or, in the case of the United States, make sure they didn't add to) their own Jewish populations -- partitioned Palestine to create Israel at the end of 1947. As the only powerful country to emerge from World War II unscathed, the United States would play an outsized role in that organization.
President Trump's proposal to take Gaza and eliminate its population expresses his own (and Israel's) settler-colonial dream for what Australian anthropologist Patrick Wolfe famously called the "elimination of the native." Trump initially suggested deporting Gaza's population to Egypt and Jordan, then to Sudan, Somalia, and Somaliland, and then to Libya -- proposals enthusiastically endorsed by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu. By mid-March of this year, Israel was creating a new migration authority to oversee the planned expulsion and 80% of Jewish Israelis found that plan "desirable" (though only 52% thought it was "practical").
As of late May, none of those countries had accepted Trump's proposal, though negotiations with Libya were evidently ongoing. But Trump's plan to pressure or bribe poorer, weaker countries to accept Palestinian deportees mirrored his deals to deport "unwanteds" from the United States. In addition to the several Latin American countries where his administration has already sent deportees, it is looking to Angola, Benin, Equatorial Guinea, Eswatini, Libya, Moldova, and Rwanda as possibilities. As Secretary of State Marco Rubio explained, "We are working with other countries to say, 'we want to send you some of the most despicable human beings to your countries"Would you do that, as a favor to us? And the further away from America, the better.'"
Another connection between the deportation regimes of the U.S. and Israel is the way the Trump administration has mobilized charges of antisemitism to imprison and deport Palestinians and their supporters. In ordering the deportation of protester Mahmoud Khalil and others, Rubio claimed that their "condoning antisemitic conduct" undermined American foreign policy objectives.
The United States and Israel share another dystopian project as well: ratcheting up fear and suffering to inspire people to "self-deport." Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem flooded social and other media with a "multimillion dollar ad campaign" threatening immigrants: "Leave now. If you don't, we will find you and we will deport you." In this respect, MAGA Republicans differed little from liberal Democrats, as Noem was echoing Vice President Kamala Harris's words to Guatemalans: "Don't come" If you do, you will be turned back." In an eerily similar fashion, on the Israeli-occupied West Bank, "settler advertisements appear on screens and billboards telling Palestinians, 'There is no future in Palestine.'" Though their tactics differ in scale -- the United States is not massacring immigrants and bombing their neighborhoods -- they share the goal of eliminating a population.
One apparent difference makes the comparison even more revealing. The United States is aiming its repression at immigrants; Israel against the native population. But the earliest history of deportation in the United States began with the pushing out or slaughtering of the indigenous Native American population in order to clear the land for White settlement. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Africans were forcibly imported to provide labor, many of them even before the U.S. became an independent state. They then remained enslaved and their mobility restricted for almost a century. Colonial control of freedom of movement, in other words, can take different forms over time.
Both the United States and Israel also disproportionately imprison their minoritized populations -- another denial of freedom of movement. In the United States, this means people of color. Black people make up 14% of the population but 41% of the prison and jail population. Native Americans are incarcerated at four times the rate of White people. The United States also maintains the world's largest immigrant detention system, with expansion plans already underway.
In Israel, it's Palestinians who are disproportionately imprisoned, both inside that country and in its occupied territories. While Palestinians constitute about 20% of Israel's population, they constitute about 60% of Israel's prisoners. (Such statistics are hard to come by today, so that figure doesn't include the thousands taken prisoner since Oct. 7, 2023.) Many Palestinian prisoners languish in what Israel calls "administrative detention," a status created for Palestinians that allows lengthy detention without charge.
Borders, Walls, and Global Apartheid
We are so accustomed to imagining a world of equally sovereign countries, each creating its own immigration policy, that it's easy to miss the colonial dimensions of immigration flows and the ways that colonial histories, immigration restrictions, expulsions, and incarceration are connected. Settler countries like Israel and the United States have particular similarities (and particular connections), but most European powers that have benefited from the world's colonial order now barricade their borders against potential migrants.
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