On the one hand, at least according to the British media and the EU, British Jews are in a heightened state of fear about the UK Labour party, where the evidence suggests an already marginal problem of anti-semitism is actually in decline. And on the other, Hungarian Jews' fears of anti-semitism are waning, even though the evidence suggests anti-semitism there is on the rise and government-sanctioned.
Array of opponentsThere is, however, a way to explain this paradox and it has nothing to do with anti-semitism.
Corbyn's socialist-lite agenda faces a devastating array of opponents that include British business; the entire spectrum of the UK corporate media, including its supposedly liberal components; and, significantly in this case, the ultra-nationalist government of Israel, headed by Benjamin Netanyahu.
The British establishment fears Corbyn poses a challenge to the further entrenchment of neoliberal orthodoxy they benefit from.
Meanwhile, Israeli politicians loathe Corbyn because he has made support for the Palestinian people a key part of his platform, becoming the first European leader to prioritise a Palestinian right to justice over Israel's right to maintain its 51-year belligerent occupation.
Hungary's Viktor Orban, by contrast, is beloved of big business, as well as the country's mainstream media, and, again significantly, the Israeli government.
Orban: Israel's 'true friend'Rather than distancing himself from Orban and his Jew-baiting electioneering in Hungary, Netanyahu has actually sanctioned it. He has called Orban a "true friend of Israel", thanked him for "defending Israel", and joined the Hungarian leader in denouncing Soros.
Netanyahu, like Orban, intensely dislikes Soros's liberalism and his support for open borders. Netanyahu shares Orban's fears that a flood of refugees will disrupt his efforts to make his state as ethnically pure as possible.
Earlier this year, for example, Netanyahu claimed that Soros had funded human rights organisations to help African asylum seekers in Israel avoid a government programme to expel them.
Netanyahu has many practical and ideological reasons to support not only Orban but the new breed of ultra-nationalist leaders emerging in states like Poland, Italy, France and elsewhere.
Hostility to MuslimsNativism in European states is primarily directed against Muslim and Arab immigrants arriving from the Middle East and north Africa, though domestic Jews could well become collateral damage in any future purge of "foreigners".
Europe's ultra-nationalist leaders are therefore more likely to sympathise with Israel and its own "Arab-Muslim problem", especially since Netanyahu and the Israeli right have proved adept at falsely presenting the Palestinians as immigrants rather than the region's native population.
Netanyahu would also like to see Europe paralysed by political differences, so it is incapable of lobbying for a two-state solution, as it has been doing ineffectively for many years; it is unable to agree on funding human rights activism designed to protect Palestinian rights; and it is too weak to move towards the adoption of sanctions against Israel.
But most importantly, Netanyahu and the Israeli right can identify with the anti-semitic view of "the Jew" shared by Europe's hardline nationalists.
Ethnic purity and the OtherThese far-right groups see Jews as outsiders, a discrete community that cannot be assimilated or exist peacefully among them, and one that has separate loyalties and should either be encouraged to leave or be sent elsewhere.
Netanyahu agrees. He also believes Jews are different, that they are a distinct and separate people, that their primary loyalties are tribal, to their own kind, and not to other states, and that they can only ever really be at home and properly Jewish in Israel, their true home.
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