Indeed, when Kerry's report was issued in April 1989, the Washington Post ran a dismissive story by Michael Isikoff buried deep inside the paper. Newsweek dubbed Kerry "a randy conspiracy buff." In his new article attacking Gary Webb, Leen just says:
"After an exhaustive three-year investigation, the committee's report concluded that CIA officials were aware of the smuggling activities of some of their charges who supported the contras, but it stopped short of implicating the agency directly in drug dealing. That seemed to be the final word on the matter."
But why was it the "final word"? Why didn't Leen and others who had missed the scandal as it was unfolding earlier in the decade at least try to build on Kerry's findings. After all, these were now official U.S. government records. Wasn't that "extraordinary" enough?
In this context, Leen paints himself as the true investigative journalist who knew the inside story of the Contra-cocaine tale from the beginning. He wrote:
"As an investigative reporter covering the drug trade for the Miami Herald ... I wrote about the explosion of cocaine in America in the 1980s and 1990s, and the role of Colombia's Medellin Cartel in fueling it.
"Beginning in 1985, journalists started pursuing tips about the CIA's role in the drug trade. Was the agency allowing cocaine to flow into the United States as a means to fund its secret war supporting the contra rebels in Nicaragua? Many journalists, including me, chased that story from different angles, but the extraordinary proof was always lacking."
Again, what Leen says is not true. Leen makes no reference to the groundbreaking AP story in 1985 or other disclosures in the ensuing years. He just insists that "the extraordinary proof" was lacking -- which it may have been for him given his lackluster abilities. He then calls the final report of Kerry's investigation the "final word."
But Leen doesn't explain why he and his fellow mainstream journalists were so incurious about this major scandal that they would remain passive even in the wake of a Senate investigation. It's also not true that Kerry's report was the "final word" prior to Webb reviving the scandal in 1996.
In 1991, during the narcotics trafficking trial of Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega, the U.S. government itself presented witnesses who connected the Contras to the Medellin cartel.
Indeed, after testimony by Medellin cartel kingpin Carlos Lehder about his $10 million contribution to the Contras, the Washington Post wrote in a Nov. 27, 1991 editorial that "The Kerry hearings didn't get the attention they deserved at the time," and that "The Noriega trial brings this sordid aspect of the Nicaraguan engagement to fresh public attention."
But the Post offered its readers no explanation for why Kerry's hearings had been largely ignored, with the Post itself a leading culprit in this journalistic misfeasance. Nor did the Post and the other leading newspapers use the opening created by the Noriega trial to do anything to rectify their past neglect.
In other words, it didn't seem to matter how much "extraordinary proof" the Washington Post or Jeff Leen had. Nothing would be sufficient to report seriously on the Contra-cocaine scandal, not even when the U.S. government vouched for the evidence.
So, Leen is trying to fool you when he presents himself as a "responsible journalist" weighing the difficult evidentiary choices. He's just the latest hack to go after Gary Webb, which has become urgent again for the mainstream media in the face of "Kill the Messenger," a new movie about Webb's ordeal.
What Leen won't face up to is that the tag-team destruction of Gary Webb in 1996-97 -- by the Washington Post, the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times -- represented one of the most shameful episodes in the history of American journalism.
The Big Papers tore down an honest journalist to cover up their own cowardly failure to investigate and expose a grave national security crime, the Reagan administration's tolerance for and protection of drug trafficking into the United States by the CIA's client Contra army.
This journalistic failure occurred even though the Associated Press -- far from a radical news outlet -- and a Senate investigation (not to mention the Noriega trial) had charted the way.