Nevertheless, the JIT relied on SBU-provided telephone "intercepts" of cryptic Russian-language conversations to base its conclusion that Russia provided the rebels a Buk missile system on the night of July 16, 2014, which was then taken on a strangely circuitous route far to the west before circling back to the east to a location far from the battlefront where it shot down MH-17 on July 17 and then was driven back to Russia that evening, again taking an unnecessarily long way home.
Though there were numerous holes in the SBU's evidence and serious questions about why the Buk would have taken its bizarrely long ride -- when a much more direct and discreet route was available -- the Western media again showed no skepticism, simply accepting Russian guilt as established fact and dismissing any alternative explanation as "fanciful."
The Value of Truth
However, whatever the truth is -- whether the Russians and their rebel allies were responsible for the tragedy or whether a rogue Ukrainian operation brought down MH-17 -- there is no reason why President Trump shouldn't instruct CIA Director Mike Pompeo to release as much of the U.S. intelligence analysis as possible.
Mike Pompeo, now CIA director, speaking at the Values Voter Summit in Washington, DC. October 2011.
(Image by (Flickr Gage Skidmore)) Details DMCA
First, the families of the dead deserve all the help that the U.S. government can provide to identify the killers and bring them to justice. Second, by releasing the MH-17 file, President Trump can demonstrate that he does care about truth in contrast to President Obama who mysteriously withheld this information for two years and thus gave the culprits, whoever they are, time to escape and cover their tracks.
Further, if the file blames the Russians, releasing it would show that Trump is not in Putin's pocket, as many people in Official Washington claim. And, if the file implicates an element of the Ukrainian government -- even a rogue faction -- that might relieve geopolitical tensions with Russia and open possible paths for resolving the Ukrainian crisis.
The Trump administration also could consider other topics for declassification, such as the circumstances surrounding the U.S-backed coup that ousted elected Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych on Feb. 22, 2014. U.S. intelligence surely was following those events closely and could clarify the roles of Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt and Sen. John McCain, who all cheered on and encouraged violent protests that preceded the coup.
Obama also hid the intelligence regarding the mysterious sarin gas attack outside Damascus, Syria, on Aug. 21, 2013, which Secretary of State John Kerry and others blamed on the Syrian government although later evidence seemed to implicate jihadist rebels who wanted to trick the U.S. military into intervening directly in the war on their side.
Given the importance of those turning-point moments -- and the Obama administration's attempts to exploit them for geopolitical ends -- the American people deserve to know what the U.S. intelligence analysts ultimately concluded and whether President Obama's team was telling the truth or had gotten lost in the Orwellian idea of "perception management."
President Trump might find that he can begin to turn around his reputation as a person who doesn't care about the truth by becoming a truth-teller.
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