Israel has therefore been aggressively pursuing a twin-pronged approach, according to analysts.
On one side, wide-ranging discriminatory policies that harm Palestinians and favour Jewish settlers have been designed to erode Palestinians' connection to Jerusalem, encouraging them to leave. And, on the other, revocation of residency rights and the gradual redrawing of municipal boundaries have forcibly placed Palestinians outside the city in what some experts term a "silent transfer" or administrative ethnic cleansing.
Israel's efforts to disconnect Palestinians from Jerusalem are most visibly expressed in the change of Arabic script on road signs. The city's Arabic name, Al Quds (the Holy), has been gradually replaced by the Israeli name, Urshalim, transliterated into Arabic.
The lack of services and municipal funding and high unemployment mean that three-quarters of Palestinians in East Jerusalem live below the poverty line. That compares to only 15 per cent for Israeli Jews nationally.
Despite these abysmal figures, the municipality has provided four social services offices in the city for Palestinians, compared to 19 for Israeli Jews.
Only half of Palestinian residents are provided with access to the water grid. There are similar deficiencies in postal services, road infrastructure, pavements and cultural centres.
Meanwhile, human rights groups have noted that East Jerusalem lacks at least 2,000 classrooms for Palestinian children, and that the condition of 43 per cent of existing rooms is inadequate. A third of pupils fail to complete basic schooling.
But the biggest pressure on Palestinian residents has been inflicted through grossly discriminatory planning rules, said Mr Tartasky.
In the areas outside the wall, Palestinians have been abandoned by the municipality and receive no services or policing at all.
Israel's long-term aim, said Mr Tartasky, had been exposed in a leak of private comments made by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2015. He had proposed revoking the residency of the 140,000 Palestinians outside the wall.
"At the moment, the government is discussing putting these residents under the responsibility of the army," Mr Tartasky said.
That would make them equivalent to Palestinians living in Israeli-controlled areas of the West Bank and sever their last connections to Jerusalem.
Meanwhile, on the inner side of the wall, Palestinian neighbourhoods have been tightly constrained, with much of the land declared either "scenic areas" or national parks, in which construction is illegal, or reserved for Jewish settlements. The inevitable result has been extreme overcrowding.
In addition, Israel has denied most Palestinian neighbourhoods' masterplans, making it all but impossible to get building permits.
"The advantage for Israel is that planning regulations don't look brutal in fact, they can be presented as simple law enforcement," said Mr Tartasky. "But if you have no place to live in Jerusalem, in the end you'll have to move out of the city."
An estimated 20,000 houses about 40 per cent of the city's Palestinian housing stock are illegal and under threat of demolition. More than 800 homes, some housing several families, have been razed since 2004.
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