One of Blumenthal's sources refers to the "heightened public interest in the liaison relationships conducted by the CIA and the SIS with Qaddafi's intelligence and security services" and mentions the international organization Human Rights Watch (HRW) and its "efforts to tie Western governments to human rights violations committed under Qaddafi." According to one of Blumenthal's sources, Mohammed Yousef el-Magariaf, a Libyan politician who served as the president of the General National Congress and "interim head-of-state," was concerned that his "enemies are working to take advantage of his suspected links to the CIA" and predicted "this situation will only grow more complex as Qaddafi's son, Saif al Islam Qaddafi and al Senousi are brought before Libyan courts" since It was believed "both men will be linked to Western intelligence during their trials."
Compounding the problem, Blumenthal warned Clinton, were "messages to Libya from the CIA and SIS [that] were found among the Tripoli Documents published by HRW indicating that the United States and Britain were eager to help Libya capture several senior LIFG [Libyan Islamic Fighting Group] figures."
Blumenthal's memos reportedly constituted a Clinton received relating to unfolding events inside Libya. Did Clinton actually read these intelligence updates? There is evidence that she did, at least on August 27, 2012, when Blumenthal dashed off a note to alert Clinton that Libya's newest president-to-be wished to "seek a discreet relationship with Israel." According to the documents released by Guccifer, Clinton replied: "If true, this is encouraging. Should consider passing to Israelis."
The Role of Oil
Blumenthal's confidential missives to Secretary Clinton included an assurance from one unnamed source that "the investigation of the murder of the United States ambassador" was one of many efforts "related to what he sees as his most important role--rebuilding the confidence of the international business community in its ability to operate in Libya safely and efficiently."
Of course, when one speaks of "business" in Libya, that means "oil."
One of Blumenthal's contacts confided that "the Italian government is stepping up its activities in Libya, and the president expects them to pressure to [sic] Abushagur [Mustafa Abushagur, a Libyan politician] appoint an individual like Ben Yezza to the oil ministry, where he can favor ENI [Italy's National Hydrocarbons Authority] and other Italian firms."
In another posting, Blumenthal advises Clinton that any "comprehensive plan for the oil industry will face opposition from individuals with links to foreign oil firms, primarily foreign trained engineers who hope to see greater privatization in the oil an [sic] oil services industries in the wake of the revolution." Nonetheless, Clinton was advised: "The Italian government will continue to increase its investment in Libya in an effort to get ahead of the other foreign firms concerned in Libya."
The French Connection
Other memos from Guccifer's 2013 trove explored French President Nicolas Sarkozy's motivations for taking the lead in the military assault on Qaddafi's Libya. In one memo from April 2, 2011, Blumenthal explained that France was concerned that Qaddafi's $7 billion plan to create a Pan-African currency would deal a disastrous blow to the French economy, specifically the CFA franc, a widely circulated currency that had dominated West Africa since the days of French colonialism.
Publicly, Sarkozy insisted the French military airstrikes we're simply designed to defend Libyans who wished to "liberate themselves from servitude." Blumenthal's Libya memos, however, suggest that France's motives had little to do with liberation. Instead, Blumenthal's Libyan confidantes cited Sarkozy's four primary goals: access to Libyan oil; increased French influence in Northern Africa; new French military bases in the region; and a public relations boost prior to Sarkozy's 2012 election.
Secretary Clinton was likely not surprised to read that French intelligence had been working with the post-Qaddafi National Transitional Council to assure that French companies--not the Italians--enjoyed primary access to Libya's oil resources. One memo, dated March 22, 2011, was actually titled "How the French created the National Libyan Council, ou l'argent parle."
"L'argent parle," of course, is French for "money talks." Blumenthal informed the Secretary that covert agents of France's General Directorate for External Security (DGSE) had been conducting "a series of meetings" in which they passed beaucoup "money and guidance" to members of the Libyan opposition. The memo continues: "[S]peaking under orders from [Sarkozy, they] promised that as soon the [Council] was organized, friends would recognize [it] as the new government of Libya." There was a clear quid pro quo: "in return for their assistance" the DGSE officers indicated that they expected the new government of Libya to favor French firms and national interests, particularly regarding the oil industry in Libya."
For his part, Sarkozy officially denied coveting Qaddafi's carbon-fueled coffers and, ultimately, it was not France, but China and Russia, who wound up controlling most of Libya's "liberated" oil assets.