Eyeless in Gaza

The logic is deeply flawed. Israel is occupying and besieging Gaza, conferring on its inhabitants a right under international law to fight for their freedom. How does the oppressor, the lawbreaker have a right to self-defence? If Israel objects to being scratched and bruised, it should stop choking its victim.

The degree to which Israel's narrative of "self-defence" has come to dominate news coverage and diplomatic statements was revealed in a CNN interview. Anchor Carol Costello asked a baffled interviewee in all seriousness: "Why doesn't Hamas just show Israel where these tunnels are?"

Equally significantly, Israel has obscured the truth that it picked this particular round of its ongoing confrontation with Hamas -- and did so entirely cynically.

A BBC reporter recently confirmed with an Israeli police spokesman a rumor that had been circulating among military correspondents for weeks. The group behind the abduction in June of three Israeli teens in the West Bank -- the trigger for Israel's campaign against Hamas -- was a lone cell, acting on its own.

Claiming precisely the opposite -- that he had cast-iron proof Hamas was responsible -- Netanyahu gave the army free rein to arrest hundreds of Hamas members and smash the organization's institutions in the West Bank.

The crackdown created the necessary provocation: Hamas allowed Gaza's factions to start firing limited numbers of rockets. Analyst Nathan Thrall noted recently that Hamas had impressed the Israeli army until that point by enforcing the ceasefire agreed with Israel 18 months earlier, even though Israel violated the terms by maintaining Gaza's siege.

Now the rockets gave Netanyahu an excuse to strike.

So what was his real reason for going into Gaza? What were these many deceptions designed to hide?

It seems Netanyahu wanted to end a strategic threat: not Hamas rockets or tunnels, but the establishment of a unity government between Hamas and its long-time rivals Fatah. Palestinian unity risked reviving pressure on him to negotiate, or face a renewed and more credible Palestinian campaign for statehood at the United Nations.

But Hamas' unexpectedly impressive martial display against Israel -- killing dozens of soldiers, firing long-range rockets into Israel throughout, closing briefly the sole international airport, launching attacks into Israeli territory, and causing a loss to the economy estimated so far at more than $4billion -- may have changed the calculus again.

For the moment, Netanyahu seems to prefer to pull back Israeli soldiers rather than be forced under international pressure to negotiate with Hamas. He knows that its key demand will be that Israel end the siege.

But in the longer term, Netanyahu may need Palestinian unity, at least on his terms, to undermine Hamas' gains.

As Israel began its attack on Gaza, Netanyahu turned his attention to the West Bank. He warned that there could never be "any agreement in which we relinquish security control" over it for fear that, given the West Bank's larger size, Israel might "create another 20 Gazas."

He was ruling out any hope of Palestinian statehood. A "demilitarized" entity, heavily circumscribed and absolutely dependent on Israel and the US, seems to be all that Israel will ever put on the table.

Allowing Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas and Fatah into Gaza could justify loosening the siege. But only as long as Abbas agrees to remove Hamas' military infrastructure and export to the coastal enclave the model he has established in the West Bank -- of endless accommodation to Israeli and US dictates.