I have taken a lot of time to write on collective memory in film and society over the years. I have written, for example on the Holocaust and on the presentation of memory in Germany and commemorations and/or memorials in other lands. I have written about memories of WWII on three continents. Finally, I have written about the Vietnam era and post-Vietnam war education--and memories surround the movie Forrest Gump and the film's relationship to images used in other films, i.e. its relationship to the reality on the ground of which it represents.
Recently, I came across an older--but trailblazing--article on the topic of
The authors go further, though, and indicating that media is also overwhelming possible family practices in educating our youth about
I personally find that the Cold War-Era with its own particular narrations have, however, continued to fuel American memory even as the period of Global Terrorism has supposedly overtaken our current new conceptualizations of reality and memory.
The article by Weinburg et. al. begins  as follows: " HISTORICAL NARRATIVES envelop us everywhere--at home, at church, at the movies; in the buildings we inhabit, the parks we visit, the stamps we lick; in the days we take off from work, the newspapers we read, and the six-o'clock news we receive from Tom Brokaw, Peter Jennings, and Dan Rather. By the time young people reach their eighteenth birthday in our culture, they possess a rich narrative of origins--how the United States came into being, the roots of the race issue that divides American society, something about Pilgrims, colonists, and settlers. In terms of impact and influence, no algebra or French teacher can compete with such famous history teachers as Steven Spielberg or Oliver Stone, whose devoted students number in multiples of millions.
Each of us grows up in a home with a distinct history and a distinct perspective on the meaning of larger historical events. Our parents' stories shape our historical consciousness, as do the stories of the ethnic, racial, and religious groups that number us as members. We attend churches, dubs, and neighborhood associations that further mold our collective and individual historical selves. We visit museums. We travel to national landmarks in the summer. We camp out in front of the TV and absorb, often unknowingly, an unending barrage of historical images. By the time children have celebrated a decade of Thanksgivings and Martin Luther King Days, they are already seasoned students of American culture and history.
But, the notion that all these sources form a coherent whole mocks the complexity of social life. Historical consciousness does not emanate like neat concentric circles from the individual to the family to the nation and to the world. Lessons learned at home contravene those learned at school. What we hear at school conflicts with what we hear at church or synagogue--if not in the pews then certainly in the bathrooms. If we pay attention to the lyrics of rap music or tune our dials to Rush Limbaugh or Howard Stern, we confront more disjunctures. To make historical sense, we must navigate the shoals of the competing narratives that vie for our allegiance.[ p. 55]"
Collective Occlusion In writing their piece for a social education journal, Weinburg et. al. have decided to use the wording "collective occlusion" to describe what concerns them the most in the wake of their research on cohort generations  of America, their media, and their education in history, specifically Vietnam War Era social education. The researchers and authors explain that they prefer the term "collective occlusion" to a term, such as "collective amnesia" for several different reasons.
"First, occlusion conveys a sense of blockage; it is not that these memories are erased or forgotten but they are not salient or easily seen. Second, even when memories are occluded, they are, in historical and archival cultures. Available in books, on the Web, and often taught in specialized university seminars. "Amnesia' misrepresents the complexity of social memory by conveying monolithic, socially uniform processes. The partiality and opacity of "occlusion' conveys this complexity more fully [p.58]."
Weinburg, et. al. wrote the following concerning the need to have awareness of collective occlusion in our curriculum development in history and social education in America by noting: "When we began this work, we hypothesized that there would be significant points of tension between the history taught in schools and the history available in film, music, and TV in the culture at large. This may be the case but it is not what we found. In fact, rather than forming a separate sphere, the school often became the purveyor of the history curriculum offered by popular culture, the place where young people first sat and sampled its wares: Hollywood movies, made-for-TV documentaries, and the like. [p.57]"
I should add that the researchers spent hundreds of hours observing classrooms at three different high schools in the American Northwest for their research. This enabled them to observe what kind of interaction the students under investigation had with teachers in their own "official" history classes. Based on their home and family discussions (as well as blindly submitted written reports submitted from the two cohort generations in each household), the researchers wrote, "Similarly, the home" has become "a venue in which parent and child often shared in the joint experience of the past by turning on the VCR [nowadays the CD/DVD or digital memory of mass media sources] and together [have been] witnessing a celluloid version of it."
Importantly, the child-generation (or younger of the two cohort generations), i.e. who had had no personal direct experience living in the Vietnam War Era, seem to have absorbed the biases and misleading information of mass-media rather than relying more on what expert witnesses and expert researchers tell them about history on-the-ground in the Vietnam era. Note: Some of these expert witnesses may have even been the parents of the very high school students under study--hence, there have certainly been some disagreements between or among the generations as to how to interpret images and history. For example, the movie Forrest Gump crept up in 60% of the interviews conducted with parents and their children, i.e. concerning the topic of the Vietnam War era. In other words, for some of those youth interviewed "the sequences of images and dialogues, invented by director Robert Zemeckis [creator of the film Forrest Gump], was the sharpest and clearest recollection of the entire
One example of occlusionary memory (or exclusionary memory) presented by Weinburg has been the absences of information in films concerning the massive support for the Vietnam War in the
According to Weinburg, et. al., "As late as 1972, the war . . . . having spread to
In short, this important detail has not been made clear to subsequent generations of
1 | 2