The remark was made by Brigadier General Mark Kimmett, the Central Command deputy commander for planning and strategy in Iraq, regarding a report by Human Rights First, which charged that in close to half the deaths surveyed by the organization, the cause of death remains officially undetermined or unannounced. Overall, eight people in U.S. custody were tortured to death.
The report, entitled Commands Responsibility. says that of the 34 homicide cases so far identified by the military, investigators recommended criminal charges in fewer than two thirds, and charges were actually brought (based on decisions made by command) in less than half.
While the CIA has been implicated in several deaths, no CIA agent has faced a criminal charge, the report says, adding, Among the worst cases -- detainees tortured to death only half have resulted in punishment and the harshest sentence for anyone involved in a torture-related death has been five months in jail.
General Kimmett, there's a human rights organization today in the States called Human Rights First. They said that around 100 detainees from Afghanistan and Iraq have died in the prisons. What's your comment on this?
The response from Gen. Kimmett was: Well, my comment is that's propaganda; it's not correct.
HRF reports that Admiral John Hutson has sent Kimmett a personal letter with a copy of the report, urging that he rethink his public remarks
Among the reports other findings: Commanders have failed to report deaths of detainees in the custody of their command, reported the deaths only after a period of days and sometimes weeks, or actively interfered in efforts to pursue investigations; investigators have failed to interview key witnesses, collect useable evidence, or maintain evidence that could be used for any subsequent prosecution; record keeping has been inadequate, further undermining chances for effective investigation or appropriate prosecution; overlapping criminal and administrative investigations have compromised chances for accountability; overbroad classification of information and other investigation restrictions have left CIA and Special Forces essentially immune from accountability; agencies have failed to disclose critical information, including the cause or circumstance of death, in close to half the cases examined; effective punishment has been too little and too late.
Charging that there is an accountability gap, HRF says closing it will require a zero-tolerance approach to commanders who fail to take steps to provide clear guidance, and who allow unlawful conduct to persist on their watch.
The report recommends that the President, as Commander-in-Chief, move immediately to fully implement the ban on cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment (known as the McCain Amendment) passed overwhelmingly by the U.S. Congress and signed into law on December 30, 2005.
It also demands that the President, the U.S. military, and relevant intelligence agencies should take immediate steps to make clear that all acts of torture and abuse are taken seriously not from the moment a crime becomes public, but from the moment the United States sends troops and agents into the field.
Congress, the report suggests, should at long last establish an independent, bipartisan commission to review the scope of U.S. detention and interrogation operations worldwide in the war on terror. Such a commission could investigate and identify the systemic causes of failures that lead to torture, abuse, and wrongful death, and chart a detailed and specific path going forward to make sure those mistakes never happen again. The proposal for a commission has been endorsed by a wide range of distinguished Americans from Republican and Democratic members of Congress to former presidents to leaders in the U.S. military. Human Rights First urges Congress to act without further delay.
In response to our question, Deborah Pearlstein, Director of HRFs U.S. Law and Security Program, said the Pentagons detention policies have repeatedly been criticized by military lawyers and health officials, but their objections have largely been ignored.
Most recently, it was revealed that one of the Pentagon's top civilian lawyers repeatedly challenged the Bush administration's policy on the coercive interrogation of terror suspects, arguing that such practices violated the law, verged on torture and could ultimately expose senior officials to prosecution.