In this short volume, Helen Caldicott and Craig Eisendrath provide a sharp and concise analysis of the American nuclear weapons industry and its many ramifications for society and the peoples of the world in general. While they see the big picture, they ably document the details of theory and practice of the (mostly) American push towards bigger and better (deadlier and more accurate) nuclear armaments that accompany the American push towards global dominance.
The work rises from a conference in 2005 titled "Full Spectrum Dominance" sponsored by Caldicott's Nuclear Policy Research Institute, and the subsequent articles following that conference. The title, as most should recognize, is borrowed from the neocon military agenda of the same name, formulated in part by the many neocon members of the Bush administration, many successful holdovers from the Reagan administration. This work examines the current administration's efforts towards a full militarization of outer space (more correctly 'near' space as is evident from the details provided in the text of what is useful and functional as well as imaginary and fantastical), their desire to control the world by global surveillance and space based military action, and to deny the use of outer space weapons systems to any other contender.
Starting with a short historical account of the developments leading to the full spectrum dominance stage, the authors discuss the advent of satellite technology - its role with national pride, its development as valid scientific instruments, finally moving into the realm of monitoring the agreements on nuclear tests as well as monitoring as advanced warning systems. The latter was and remains in part, a section of the mutually assured destruction regime that guarded against false starts in the earth based ICBM nuclear war scenarios.
Along with the space surveillance capabilities of satellites, the U.S. has "perfected its technical capacities in weapons guidance", (probably not a fully accurate statement with its absolute of perfection) while renewing the call for missile defence systems, none of which so far have been proven effective and are generally considered highly ineffective. Now the U.S. is turning to actually arming space itself, to destroy other countries' satellites (and their possible space weapons as a response to U.S. initiatives) and to be able to apply immediate response to any militarily desired response on earth.
Caldicott and Eisendrath then present arguments about the peaceful uses of outer space, the two main ones being communication in general and the understanding of and reporting of weather in all its manifestations. Accompanying that is the purely scientific exploration of space and the increased knowledge of how our solar system works, providing us with, perhaps, some unknown future direct benefits as well as the current knowledge of humanity's place within a significantly broader perspective. In conclusion they write, "As the Bush administration continues its retreat to an outdated and inappropriate Cold War mentality, and moves toward the weaponization of space as a unilateral venture, the entire use of space for peaceful purposes is threatened."
From those arguments, the authors then discuss the actuality of the U.S. plans for "The Weaponization of Outer Space." After a brief look at the money that transfers back and forth between corporations and government, the arguments for weaponization uses language that employs "rhetoric of complete dominance and hegemony, not multilateral cooperation or diplomacy." These plans include weaponized satellites to launch attacks against other satellites or against ground targets. Accompanying this are the countermeasures that other countries would then take to match or counter the actions of the U.S. technology.