A note from the actual author (that is myself, Steven Jonas, MD, MPH). Please note that this chapter was actually written in 1994-95. The similarities between the politics of the Republicans and of the Democrats then and in recent times are NOT purely coincidental. Nor is the fact that this speech could easily be the one that the new Attorney General, Jefferson Davis P.G.T. Beauregard Sessions, uses to introduce his re-institution of the "Drug War" which has been such an expensive, totally unnecessarily punitive, and highly costly failure (to deal with the drug problem, that is) in the 50-plus years since Richard Nixon started it (Jonas, 2016). It happens that in a post-prison moment of self-confession, one of Nixon's two top aides, John Erlichman, had this to say about their real reasons for starting the whole enterprise:
"Look, we understood we couldn't make it illegal to be young or poor or black in the United States, but we could criminalize their common pleasure. We understood that drugs were not the health problem we were making them out to be, but it was such a perfect issue...that we couldn't resist it. . . . [Nixon] emphasized that you have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks. . . . The key is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to."
A Note from the "Author" of the balance of the text (that is "Jonathan Westminster"). The story of fascism in the old United States in my view begins with the accession to the Presidency of Carnathon Pine, The Last Re pub li can, in the year 2001. And thus, the drama as we will see it in some detail begins in earnest in this chap ter, constructed around that personage's Inau gu ral Address. (Note from the actual author. The Westminster Intro. to Pine's Inaugural was presented in the previous installment. This one is devoted to Pine's Address in its entirety.)
The Inaugural Address of President Carnathon Pine, Jan. 20, 2001
Mr. Chief Justice, Madam Speaker, friends, my fellow Ameri cans. It is both a privilege and a burden for me to ap pear before you in my new role today. A privilege because no one can aspire to a higher office than the Presidency of our great, God"'blessed, land. A burden, because after all of my years in the Senate, many of them spent criti cizing Presidents for do ing this and not doing that, I now have to try to do what I said all along they ought to be doing but weren't.
But in all seriousness, it is a burden because I take over this awe some responsibility at a time when our moral stock as a na tion has sunk so low that it is hard to imagine it sinking any low er. The prob lems of the econo my, over"'stated by some, are real. The problems in health care, in educa tion, in getting the poor to bear some responsibil i ty for their own situation, in deal ing with our still"'ballooning Federal deficit are real too. But under lying all of these is the fact that as a nation we have turned away from God. We have turned our back on Him.
Of course, I subscribe to our Constitutionally mandated protections of reli gious freedom. All of our cherished freedoms are built on provi sions of the Constitution such as those protections. But does that mean that there is an impenetrable wall of separation between church and state? Does that mean that we must shun God in any public place or ceremony? Does that mean that we must exclude religion from the public square? I don't be lieve for a moment that it does. And I pledge that this Adminis tration will do ev ery thing in its power to re store God to His right ful place in our pub lic life, within Constitution al limits, of course.
And as we restore God to His rightful place in our public life, we must restore Him to His rightful place in our private lives as well. For only by doing so can we recover from the depths of moral degen eracy into which we have plunged by turning our backs on Him.
Everywhere we turn we see evidence of this, from the glori fi ca tion by our liberal"'dominated media of the sexual act to the pro motion of homo sexuali ty as a preferred way of life. Some say that the series of natural disasters that has plagued our great land since Hurricane An drew of 1992 is God's way of telling us that we must reform before it is too late.
But perhaps there is no symbol of our moral decay more prom i nent than the use of drugs. So powerfully do I feel this to be true, that it is to the use of illegal drugs and what the Pine Ad ministration will do about it to which I will devote the rest of my address to you today.
Although these poisonous drugs, chief among them marijua na, hero in, and cocaine, have been illegal for many years, some of our people persist in their use. Thus, these people fall into what some would call a double sin: the sin of use and the sin of violat ing the law. As our great and re vered first Drug Czar, Dr. Wil liam Bennett, said way back in 1989 (Weinraub): "We identify the chief and seminal wrong here as drug use. Drug use, we say, is simply morally wrong."
President George Bush saw the problem with simple clarity (Pear): "Peo ple think the problem in our world is crack, or sui cide, or babies having babies. Those are symptoms. The dis ease is moral empti ness."
But in this case the immoral act of taking is compounded by the fact that that taking is a crime. And so, the taking of illegal drugs, to say noth ing of their importation, distribution, and sale, must all be treated as all crime should be. As once again Dr. Bennett said, oh so long ago (Mass ing): "Those who use, sell, and traffic in drugs must be confronted, and must suffer conse quences. . . . We must build more prisons. There must be more jails."
So, as our nation descends into the slime of moral turpitude, it be comes apparent that symbolic of that descent is the double sin of drug"'taking. To destroy the sin and redeem ourselves from it calls for nothing short of War.