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The Serialization (10) of The 15% Solution: Chap. 6: The First Hague Inaugural Address (Part 1)

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Chapter Six (2004): The First Hague Inaugural Address

A note from the actual author (that is myself, Steven Jonas, MD, MPH). Please note that this chapter was actually written in 1994-95. The similarities between the politics of the Republicans and of the Democrats then and in recent (real) times are NOT purely coincidental.

A Note from the "Author" of the balance of the text (that is "Jonathan Westminster")

This chapter presents the First Inaugural Address of Jefferson Davis Hague, who would become the first (and fortunately only) fascist President of the United States and then The New American Republics. This installment presents Part 1 of that chapter. In it, President Hague makes it clear that under the leadership of himself and the newly formed "Republican-Christian Alliance," the course is being set to make the United States into a "Christian Nation." As for the references in the text of the Inaugural, do understand that it was composed for Hague by his staff, from real speeches, letters, and etc. made by the real historical figures from the 1980s and 90s whose names appear in the brackets in the Inaugural's text.

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The First Inaugural Address of President Jefferson Davis Hague

December 25, 2004

Mr. President, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Speaker, my fellow Amer i cans under God. I stand here before you today, on the birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ, in all humility awaiting my time to do His bid ding. And I can tell you that his bidding now is to fight the good fight, for the Lord, and for you the Ameri can people under God.

For there is a religious war going on in this country. And we, the Ameri cans of God, must win it. We must take back our cit ies, and take back our culture, and take back our country [Bu chanan]. To do this, we must return to our Christian roots. If we do not, we will continue to le galize sodomy, slaughter inno cent babies, destroy the minds of our chil dren, squander our re sources, and yes, sink into oblivion [Robertson].

We are in an eternal battle. The battle is between right and wrong, be tween truth and lies, between life and death. And if we ever forget what it is about, if we think we are in a battle for elect ing peo ple to hold office, simply controlling political parties, then we will not ac complish what we are to achieve. We need to hold to our principles, and stick to them re gardless.

The real enemy is the secular humanist mindset which seeks to destroy everything that is good in this society. The fight that we are fighting, the battle we have joined, is one that encom passes our entire life span. Re member, you have God. You have your families; you have your commu nity, your church community, your neighborhood, and all the things you are con cerned about. They have only power. That's all that matters to them. They will fight with everything that's in them to keep that power [Weyrich].

Today we face what I believe is an even greater threat to our lives. The enemy is more insidious, more chameleon"'like than a Hitler. And this enemy is even more deadly. The enemy is lethal and must be stopped [Fournier].

So far from having ended, the cold war has increased in in ten si ty, as sec tor after sector of American life has been ruth less ly cor rupt ed by the liber al ethos. Now that the other 'Cold War' is over, the real cold war has begun [Kristol, quoted in Starr].

Yes, we are engaged in a social, political, and cultural civil war. There is a lot of talk in America about pluralism. But you can't have a society whose highest value is merely live and let live. The bottom line is somebody's values will prevail. Some body is going to win this civil war. And the winner gets the right to teach our children what to believe about things like life and death, love and sex, and freedom and slavery.

As I have travelled the length and breadth of this great God"'given land of ours, I have often run into skep tics. They say, "Well, J.D., if there is a civil war going on, where are the two sides?" And my ex planation is that on one side there are men and women like Americans under God. People who be lieve that God is. And believing that God is, they are re quired, they are obli gated to take the posi tions they take on a whole host of issues. And on the other side of this great conflict there are people at very signifi cant positions in our culture who begin their thinking with the belief that God isn't. They are our ene my [Bauer].

Yes, it is time to take America back, from the liberal politi cians who are attempting to erase every evidence of God from public life, from gov ern ment officials who hide their radical, anti"'Christian bigot ry behind a twist ed view of "the separation of church and state," from gay and lesbian radicals who not only claim the right to lead their Godless lifestyle, but demand that we support this abominable behav ior, from the radical fem i nists whose "right to choose" has caused the murder of mil lions of inno cent unborn little babies, from the militant left which is the fount of all evil--take her back from every group or individ ual that refuses to recog nize our beloved nation for what it truly is--a nation under God! [Falwell]

We are the only society in history that says that power comes from God to you . . . and if you don't tell the truth about the role of God and the cen trality of God in America, you can't explain the rest of our civiliza tion. I look forward to the day when a be lief in God is once more at the center of the defini tion of being an American [Gingrich, 1].

As to the future, if you think about the notion that the great chal lenge of our lifetime is first to imagine a future that is worth spending our lives getting to, and then, because of the technolo gies and the capabilities we have today, to get it up to sort of a virtual state, al though that's done in terms of actual levels of so phistication, all that's done in your mind.

And that takes leadership. Most studies of leadership argue that lead ers actually are acting out past decisions. The problem when you get certainty with great leaders is that they have al ready thor oughly envisioned the achievement, and now it is just a matter of implementa tion. And so, it is very different. And so in a sense, virtuality [sic] at the mental level is some thing I think you find in lead ership over historical periods. But in addi tion, we are not in a new place; it is just becom ing harder and hard er to avoid the place where we are [Gingrich, 2].

In fighting this fight to avoid this place, we face an increas ing ly mili tant, radical, socialist left. And this is how we are going to win the war against this left. We will use the same strategy Gen eral Douglas MacArthur em ployed against the Jap a nese in the Pacific in World War II: by"'pass their strong"'holds, then sur round them, isolate them, bombard them, then blast the individu als out of their power bunkers with hand"'to"'hand com bat. The battle for Iwo Jima [2] was not pleasant, but our troops won it. The battle to regain the soul of America won't be pleasant either, but we will win it [Robertson].

Yes, with your help and God's blessing we will win it. Thank you and good night.

A Connie Conroy Note (December 27, 2004)

We did it! We pulled it off! We got the Prez a good speech, a great speech, if I may say so myself. And after all those drafts he didn't like at all, too. Trying, honestly, honest ly, to come up with a new way to say the same old thing he had been saying over and over in the campaign. And so, what did we do? We went back to some tried and true stuff from our "Pa tron Saints," (if I may say so, reveal ing my Catholic back ground -- don't let any of the true Fundy Minis ters hear me say ing anything like that!): Pat Buchanan, Pat Robert son, Gary Bauer, Jerry Falwell, the Newt Man. [3]

Just took some of their best stuff, threw it together, nobody was the wiser, especially the Prez, and presto! The best speech mon ey could n't begin to buy. And I'll tell you, after old Carney, I think that this young guy is going to be fun!

Author's Commentary

The Hague Heritage

On Tuesday, November 2, 2004, Jefferson Da vis (J.D.) Hague was elected as the 45th President of the old United States. He was a great-grandnephew of the pre"'World War II Mayor of Jersey City, NJ, Frank Hague, a man who once said (Pe ter):

"You hear about constitutional rights, free speech and the free press. Every time I hear these words I say to myself, 'That man is a Red, that man is a Communist!' You never hear a real American talk like that."

J.D.'s father, "Big Daddy Hague," was a truck driver who sported the old Confederate States of America flag on the radiator of his 22-wheeler's tractor, and carried a loaded sawed"'off double"'barreled shot gun underneath the passen ger seat. It was there, Big Daddy would confide in friends, "to protect myself from the niggers." His choice of name for his second"'born son came as no surprise to his friends, espe cially since his first"'born son "Nat" had been named after Confederate Gen er al Nathan B. Forrest. This man's principal claim to fame was that a year after the end of the First Civil War he had founded the viru lently anti"'black terrorist organization known as the Ku Klux Klan.

Big Daddy happened to be a passionate reader. His taste in books ranged from those carried in the Paladin Press catalog (1991, focusing on guns, explosives, and survivalism) to those carried in the National Van guard Books catalog (1993, featuring anti-Semitism, racism, glorifi cation of Hitler's Germany, and children's books).

J.D.'s mother had been an active and vocal member of the move ment to harass and assault elective pregnancy termination clinics, their staffs and patients. She had joined the first Northern New Jersey chap ter of the militant, violence"'inducing anti"'freedom"'of"'choice organiza tion called "Op eration Rescue" when it was founded in the mid"'1980s. She had been arrested many times for screaming at staff and patients alike "up close and personal," attempting to physically block clinic en trances, and on suspicion of participation in anti"'clinic vandalism.

One of President Pine's first acts in 2001 had been to order the end to enforcement of the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act, a Federal law passed by the 103rd Congress that had offered some protec tion to the clinics. (In ordering the non"'enforcement of existing legislation that he didn't like, Pine was following a well"'known Right"'Wing pattern. For example, former 1996 Republican Presidential candidate Phil Gramm had declared that if he were elected President, one of his first acts would be to end enforcement, on his own authority, of Federal affirmative action (equal rights in employment) law [Page].)

J.D.'s mother was one of the first in the nation to publicly take advan tage of the new Pine policy. She went on to become a na tion al lead er of the violence"'centered movement spawned by Opera tion Res cue and its many mutations. Aided by Pine's Executive Order and the sub se quent repeal of the FACE Act by the 107th Congress, by the mid dle of the Pine Presiden cy, the movement had succeeded in driv ing out of business most of the open elective pregnancy"'termination centers around the country, even though the procedure was technically still legal.

The Development of the Republican"'Christian Alli ance

Hague was the candidate of the newly"'formed Republican"'Christian Alli ance (R"'CA). The R"'CA had been created at the quadrennial Re publi can Na tional Convention held in Indianapolis, IN in the second week of August, 2004. It was the final recognition of a reality that had been de veloping since the Republican National Convention held in Houston, TX August 16"'20, 1992 had adopted a platform largely writ ten by representa tives of the Christian Coalition (RNC). Over the in ter vening 12 years, the dominant and driving force in the Republican Party had become ever"'increasingly the Religious Right, led by its dominant political arm, the Christian Coalition.

It is interesting to note briefly the parallels between the develop ment of the Republican Party in the last decade before the First Civil War and of the Republican"'Christian Alliance in the second decade before the Sec ond (Marsden). In the 1850s, the "Anti"'Masons," an evangelical politi cal party opposed to "free thinking" as well as slavery, lead the move ment which divid ed the old Whig Party into two. Subse quently, the Anti"'Masons/"Northern Whigs" evolved into the new Re publican Party.

In the case of both the latter and the R"'CA, a movement that began with moral preaching eventually married itself to political power. It was iron ic, of course, that the Republican Party of the Transition Era, the R"'CA, and their successor, the American Christian Nation Party (ACNP), would eventually undo much of what the original Republican Party had accom plished when under President Abraham Lincoln it had lead the nation into war over the twin issues of pre serving the Union and ending Negro slav ery.

The ACNP would, by creating the New American Republics in 2011, break up the Union, and institute enforced, absolute, racial segre gation that to some represented a form of slavery. Prior to the forma tion of the NAR, al though the action had no practical application, it happened that they had, for the symbolic reason of adhering to the "Doctrine of Original Intent" concerning the Constitution, in 2010 among other things re pealed the XIIIth Amend ment (which had abol ished slav ery).

It was at the 13th annual "Road"'to"'Victory" national meeting of the Chris tian Coalition held at Regent University in Virginia Beach, VA in November, 2003 that Jefferson Davis Hague had gained the Coalition's "highest moral evaluation." (Right up to the adoption of the Suprema cy Amendment in 2007, the Coalition was always careful to do nothing to jeopardize its tax"'exempt standing. The adoption of the Amendment had, among other things, lead to the passage of Federal legislation guar anteeing "approved" churches tax"'exemption regardless of what activi ties they un dertook. Before that time, however, the Coalition never "endorsed" candi dates [Freedom Writer]. It simply "recognized their moral value.") Once having achieved the Coalition's top rating, Hague had the Republican"'Christian Alliance Presidential nomina tion well in hand.

Part 2 of this chapter, to follow



Bauer, G., "Speech," Christian Coalition Road"'to"'Victory Confer ence, Regent University, Virginia Beach, VA, 1991.

Bloom, H., "New Heyday of Gnostic Heresies," New York Times, April 26, 1992, p. 19 (see also Bloom's the American Religion: The Emer gence of the Post"'Christian Nation).

Buchanan, P., "Speech," Republican National Convention, 1992.

Falwell, J., Fundraising letter, May, 1993.

Fournier, K., Fund"'raising letter, American Center for Law and Jus tice (Virginia Beach, VA), April, 1995.

Freedom Writer, "Stealth? Deception? You decide," April, 1994, p. 7.

Gingrich, N., 1, quoted in a fund"'raising letter, American Humanist Asso cia tion (Amherst, NY), Summer, 1995.

Gingrich, N., 2, quoted in Kelly, M., "Rip It Up," The New Yorker, Jan. 23, 1995.

Marsden, G., "The Religious Right: A Historical Overview," Chap. 1 in Cromartie, M., Ed., No Longer Exiles, Washington, DC: Ethics and Pub lic Policy Center, 1993, p. 4.

Mitgang, H., "Reagan's 'Lincoln Quotation' Disputed," New York Times, August 19, 1992.

National Vanguard Books, Catalog No. 15, PO Box 330, Hillsboro, WV 24946, 1993.

Paladin Press, Catalog Vol. 21, No. 2, PO Box 1307, Boulder, CO 80306, 1991.

Page, S., "His Stetson's in the Ring," Newsday, Feb. 25, 1995.

Peter, L. J., Peter's Quotations: Ideas for Our Time, New York: Morrow, 1977, p. 46.

RNC: Republican National Committee, The Republican Plat form: 1992, Wash ington, DC: August 17, 1992.

Robertson, P., quoted in fund"'raising letter of the ACLU, 1993, Freedom Watch, March/April, 1994, Vol. 3, No. 2, and Right"'Wing Watch, Vol. 2, No. 11, Sept., 1992.

Starr, P., "Nothing Neo: Neo-conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea by Irving Kristol," The New Republic, December 4, 1995, 35.

Vitello, P., "No Sign of Counterculture," Newsday, December 6, 1994, p. A8.

Weyrich, P., quoted in "The rights and wrongs of the religious right," The Freedom Writer, Oct. 6, 1995, p. 6.

Wilkins, R., "The Case for Affirmative Action," The Nation, March 27, 1995, p. 409.


Author's Notes:

[1] There is no indication or evidence that any of the historical figures quoted in the Hague First Inaugural Address or elsewhere in this chapter, among whom are Patrick Buchanan, M. G. Robertson, Paul Weyrich, Keith Fournier, Gary Bauer, Jerry Falwell, and Newton Gingrich, would have supported or associ ated themselves in any way with any of the actual positions or actions that Jeffer son Davis Hague or any members of his government or political parties took, at that time or in the future.

[2] Named for the island on which it took place, "Iwo Jima" marked the penul timate major battle of the Pacific War in 1945.

[3] In her Note Conroy did not identify which sections of the speech were based on the words of which of the "patron saints." But with some detective work and using the process of elimination, it has been possible to determine with a fair degree of certainty just who was responsible for what. The putative sub"'authors are named in the text in [ ], and the putative sources are listed under their names in the reference list at the end of the chapter.

[4] Poughton could also have referred to the use, start ing in the 1980s, by Right"'Wing Reaction with help from the Right"'Wing Democrats, of the Immigration (see Chapter 4) and Welfare (see Chapter 7) issues as if they were truly significant causes of the major problems facing the country, which they were not, to promote distraction and hate.

[5] See also the quote from Michael Levin that ap pears in Chapter seven (below), p. 88

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Steven Jonas, MD, MPH, MS is a Professor Emeritus of Preventive Medicine at StonyBrookMedicine (NY) and author/co-author/editor/co-editor of over 35 books. In addition to his position on OpEdNews as a ├ éČ┼"Trusted Author,├ éČ Ł he is a Senior (more...)
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