Yet, however the story goes, the biggest bad guy is Putin, always with sinister motives and evil intent. So, in explaining the situation in Ukraine and Syria, Diehl writes:
"Throughout the summer, Russia's forces in eastern Ukraine kept up a daily drumbeat of attacks on the Ukrainian army, inflicting significant casualties while avoiding a response by Western governments. On Sept. 1, following a new cease-fire, the guns suddenly fell silent. Optimists speculated that Vladi mir Putin was backing down.
"Then came the reports from Syria: Russian warplanes were overflying the rebel-held province of Idlib. Barracks were under construction at a new base. Ships were unloading new armored vehicles. Putin, it turns out, wasn't retreating, but shifting fronts -- and executing another of the in-your-face maneuvers that have repeatedly caught the Obama administration flat-footed."
The rest of the op-ed is similarly didactic and one-sided: Putin is the villain and Obama is the rube. In Diehl's world, only he and other neocons have what it takes to take on Putin and put Russia down.
Any alternative explanation for Russia's action in Syria is brushed aside, such as Putin deciding that a victory by either Al Qaeda's Nusra Front -- as favored by Israel -- or the even more bloodthirsty Islamic State is unacceptable and thus Assad's regime must be stabilized to avert a major geopolitical catastrophe.
Typically, the neocons breeze past the frightening logic of what the collapse of Assad's military would mean for the Middle East, Europe and the world. After all, once Israeli leaders decided to throw in their lot with Al Qaeda in Syria, the die was cast as far as the neocons were concerned.
But the notion that the neocons can micromanage the outcome in Syria, with "moderate" Al Qaeda taking Damascus rather than the more "radical" Islamic State, reflects the arrogant know-nothing-ism of these U.S. opinion leaders. More likely, Al Qaeda's Nusra Front would coordinate with their former allies in the Islamic State and share in the Sunni revenge against Syria's Christian, Alawite, Shiite and other minorities.
So, while the Islamic State would busy itself chopping off heads of "heretics," Al Qaeda could use its new headquarters in Damascus to plot the next round of terror attacks against the West. And, as destabilizing as the current refugee flow into Europe has been, it would multiply astronomically as the survivors of the Islamic State/Al Qaeda bloodletting flee Syria.
With Europe in chaos and the neocons still insisting that the real enemy is Russia, the possible consequences would be frightening to contemplate. Yet, this is the course that the neocons have set for the world -- and nearly all the Republican candidates for president have signed on for the journey along with Democratic frontrunner Hillary Clinton.
In 2014, arch-neocon Robert Kagan, whom Secretary of State Clinton selected as one of her advisers while also promoting his wife, Victoria Nuland, told The New York Times that he could embrace a Clinton presidency: "If she pursues a policy which we think she will pursue ... it's something that might have been called neocon, but clearly her supporters are not going to call it that; they are going to call it something else." [For more, see Consortiumnews.com's "Is Hillary Clinton a Neocon-Lite?" and "Obama's True Foreign Policy 'Weakness.'"]
So far, virtually no one in the 2016 presidential race or in the mainstream U.S. news media is seriously addressing the reality of the neocons' "regime change" chaos spreading across the Middle East and the prospect of a destabilized Europe. What limited discussion there is on the campaign trail mostly echoes Jackson Diehl's Putin-bashing.
No one dares confront the existential question of whether the United States and the world can continue to tolerate and accommodate the neoconservatives.
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