CIA officers were furious when the leaks were published and demanded a criminal investigation. There was a public outcry, and a special prosecutor was appointed to identify and prosecute the leakers. Here's what Bush had to say: "I want to know the truth. ... I have no idea whether we'll find out who the leaker is." "I don't know of anybody in my administration who leaked classified information. If somebody did leak classified information, I'd like to know it, and we'll take the appropriate action." And finally, "If someone in my administration committed a crime, they will no longer work in my administration." When he was interviewed by the special prosecutor's investigators, Bush, accompanied by a criminal defense attorney, denied any prior knowledge that anyone on his staff had been involved in a campaign to discredit Wilson or that he had authorized the leaks. Did these words have any meaning other than a callow attempt to avoid responsibility?
As Commander in Chief, George Washington's letters to Congress always took the form of requests rather than demands, and he always acknowledged that his authority was granted by Congress. Once the war was won, there were those who wanted Washington to declare himself king. He told one such advocate to "banish these thoughts from your Mind" and said that the idea was "big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my Country." King George III commented that if Washington was able to resist becoming king he would be "the greatest man in the world."
Washington sought to expand the powers of Congress, writing "if the powers of Congress are not enlarged, and made competent to all general purposes, that the Blood which has been spilt, and the expence that has been incurred, and the distresses which have been felt, will avail in nothing." He said, "The constitution vests the power of declaring war in Congress; therefore no offensive expedition of importance can be undertaken until after they shall have deliberated upon the subject and authorized such a measure."
In establishing an imperial presidency, Bush seeks to avoid all accountability and oversight. He has used his "global war on terror" to expand presidential powers far beyond any grant by Congress, even denying that Congress has the power to limit him, if it interferes with his role as Commander in Chief of the military. More importantly, Bush has sought to deceive the American people about his crimes over and over and over, and the risk of harm posed by his criminality continues to increase.
The Reagan administration organized "readiness exercises" which called for the Federal Emergency Management Agency to round up and detain up to 400,000 "refugees" in the event of "uncontrolled population movements" over the Mexican border into the United States. In January 2006, the Army Corps of Engineers awarded a $385 million contract to a Halliburton subsidiary to construct detention centers in the United States to cope with "an emergency influx of immigrants into the US, or to support the rapid development of new programs." Each detention center is designed to hold up to 5,000 detainees, should Bush decide to declare martial law in the event of another terrorist attack or a natural disaster, such as another Katrina or an Asian Flu epidemic.
Bush has authorized the military to become engaged in "counter-terrorism" operations inside the United States and to conduct "special access" surveillance programs. The Pentagon's national Counterterrorism Center now holds the names of 325,000 "terrorism" suspects. It is unknown how many of these "suspects" are American citizens defined as terrorist "affiliates." The Pentagon's "Strategy for Homeland Defense and Civil Support" pledges to "transform US military forces to execute homeland defense mission in the ... US homeland." The military considers antiwar protests to be a "threat" and protestors as "those who would harm us." The Pentagon's Civilian Inmate Labor Program (which provides for the use of civilian inmate labor on Army installations) was recently revised. Are these the "new programs?" Should we fear our president?
In the fall of 1789, George Washington undertook a tour of the North, and the new citizens of the United States turned out in great numbers to greet their national hero. In the spring of 1791, Washington toured the South continuing to honor his pledge to visit all the states. One newspaper editorial criticized his being treated as a canonized American saint at every stop. Any fears that he would become king were put to rest when, after eight years in office, Washington quietly retired to Mount Vernon where he continued an active life, but took little part in politics. On December 12, 1799, Washington rode all day in a freezing storm attending to his plantation, but refused to change his wet clothes to avoid keeping his dinner guests waiting. He caught a severe throat infection and pneumonia and died on December 14, 1799. Washington was truly a great man.
George W. Bush's public approval ratings are now down to 36 percent and falling fast. Americans are increasingly concerned about the rationality of any decision he makes, particularly as he is aggressively and obsessively seeking to extend his war on global terror into an atomic attack on Iran and to further curtail the freedoms of American citizens. At 30 percent, the Republican-controlled Congress's ratings are even lower than Bush's, and it is likely that the Democrats will increase their representation in Congress in the fall elections, perhaps even achieving a majority. Impeachment and criminal indictment may be on the horizon. Bush is an ignorant and vindictive little man.
This George is no Washington. George Washington was the Father of His Country. George W. Bush could be the Destroyer of His Country. To preserve our freedoms, America must return to the ideology upon which the United States was founded, and Americans must demand that our elected leaders adhere to those ideals.
Sources: Joseph J. Ellis' His Excellency George Washington and David Hackett Fischer's Washington's Crossing.
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