Such was the ignoble end of our first democratically elected leader.
Democracy was resumed, under donor pressure after the collapse of Communism, in 1991. By then, both parties had private armies of young boys recruited from schools, colleges and universities.
Thus, every democratic leader has shown a predilection for private armies, mostly to harass the opposition and topple the government when necessary. These boys were given carte blanche throughout the land, and they helped themselves to other people's money and their daughters.
In the summer of 1994, the author's own father was a victim of extortion by a young student called Nanno. He was a brother of Liaquat Shikdar, who was then doing time in prison, and all the brothers were members of the armed students' wing of the Awami League, known as the Chatra League. They controlled the entire area of Eskaton in Dhaka, and every purchase and sale of land was subject to forced "toll" collection by the brothers. In short, a mini mafia. Soon, the whole country was covered by a mesh of mini mafias that engaged in periodic warfare – especially within the same party – and killed each other over the spoils with impunity. The country was now more like southern Italy, with several gangs operating above the law. The godfathers were sheltered by the two female leaders, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, the supreme godmothers.
My parents had influence in high places, and being supporters of the League, could call on assistance from members of the party itself. To no avail. My father was told that the money would go "straight to the top" and that he had to cough up. We did not dare call the police.
The Repressive Laws
Seemingly in recognition of the escalation of violence beyond the limits of public tolerance, the Awami League passed the 'Public Safety Act'. This was widely condemned as redundant and repressive. The most controversial aspects of the law were the denial of bail for three months during which investigation must be completed and the validity of the testimony of witnesses absent at trial without, therefore, being subject to examination and cross-examination. According to a lawyer, the result was that the breaking of a car window could lead to rigorous imprisonment for two years!
It was widely suspected that the real motive of the ruling party was not to curb crime but to harass the opposition. In fact, the breaking of car windows is one of the methods by which the opposition exerts pressure on the government by keeping all traffic off the roads – the phenomenon known as the hartal!
In fact, a clear pattern emerges. 'Repressive' laws have been passed during each democratic government since the birth of Bangladesh. Every time, there has been the same excuse for passing these laws – violence. That has presented the ruling party with the opportunity; the motive has been to curb – or even eliminate – the opposition. Remarkably, none of the military governments have ever needed to pass a law curtailing fundamental rights – the motive and the opportunity were equally absent.
'Repressive' Laws/ Ruling Party/ Year/ Government
Special Powers Act/Awami League/1974/ Democratically elected
Prevention of Terrorism Act/Bangladesh Nationalist Party/1992-1994/Democratically elected
Public Safety Act/Awami League/2000 – 2002/Democratically elected
Offences Disrupting Law and Order (Summary Trial)/Bangladesh Nationalist Party/2002/Democratically elected
Speedy Trial Tribunal Act/Bangladesh Nationalist Party/2002/Democratically elected
That the prospect of law and order improving even under the new law was dim was obvious from the nature of the offences and offenders. The following excerpts from local newspapers illustrate:
'In an obvious show of strength yesterday, Haji Moqbul, MP from city's Mohammedpur-Dhanmandi constituency, led a motorcade of more than 10 cars and a couple of minibuses at around 11:30 am. As his convoy reached the intersection of Mirpur Road and Green Road, it confronted a group of BNP [Bangladesh National Party – the opposition] activists on the run after being chased by police....
Democracy was resumed, under donor pressure after the collapse of Communism, in 1991. By then, both parties had private armies of young boys recruited from schools, colleges and universities.
Thus, every democratic leader has shown a predilection for private armies, mostly to harass the opposition and topple the government when necessary. These boys were given carte blanche throughout the land, and they helped themselves to other people's money and their daughters.
In the summer of 1994, the author's own father was a victim of extortion by a young student called Nanno. He was a brother of Liaquat Shikdar, who was then doing time in prison, and all the brothers were members of the armed students' wing of the Awami League, known as the Chatra League. They controlled the entire area of Eskaton in Dhaka, and every purchase and sale of land was subject to forced "toll" collection by the brothers. In short, a mini mafia. Soon, the whole country was covered by a mesh of mini mafias that engaged in periodic warfare – especially within the same party – and killed each other over the spoils with impunity. The country was now more like southern Italy, with several gangs operating above the law. The godfathers were sheltered by the two female leaders, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, the supreme godmothers.
The Repressive Laws
Seemingly in recognition of the escalation of violence beyond the limits of public tolerance, the Awami League passed the 'Public Safety Act'. This was widely condemned as redundant and repressive. The most controversial aspects of the law were the denial of bail for three months during which investigation must be completed and the validity of the testimony of witnesses absent at trial without, therefore, being subject to examination and cross-examination. According to a lawyer, the result was that the breaking of a car window could lead to rigorous imprisonment for two years!
It was widely suspected that the real motive of the ruling party was not to curb crime but to harass the opposition. In fact, the breaking of car windows is one of the methods by which the opposition exerts pressure on the government by keeping all traffic off the roads – the phenomenon known as the hartal!
In fact, a clear pattern emerges. 'Repressive' laws have been passed during each democratic government since the birth of Bangladesh. Every time, there has been the same excuse for passing these laws – violence. That has presented the ruling party with the opportunity; the motive has been to curb – or even eliminate – the opposition. Remarkably, none of the military governments have ever needed to pass a law curtailing fundamental rights – the motive and the opportunity were equally absent.
'Repressive' Laws/ Ruling Party/ Year/ Government
Special Powers Act/Awami League/1974/ Democratically elected
Prevention of Terrorism Act/Bangladesh Nationalist Party/1992-1994/Democratically elected
Public Safety Act/Awami League/2000 – 2002/Democratically elected
Offences Disrupting Law and Order (Summary Trial)/Bangladesh Nationalist Party/2002/Democratically elected
Speedy Trial Tribunal Act/Bangladesh Nationalist Party/2002/Democratically elected
That the prospect of law and order improving even under the new law was dim was obvious from the nature of the offences and offenders. The following excerpts from local newspapers illustrate:
'In an obvious show of strength yesterday, Haji Moqbul, MP from city's Mohammedpur-Dhanmandi constituency, led a motorcade of more than 10 cars and a couple of minibuses at around 11:30 am. As his convoy reached the intersection of Mirpur Road and Green Road, it confronted a group of BNP [Bangladesh National Party – the opposition] activists on the run after being chased by police....
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