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Four Years AFTER the Revolution

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Iftekhar Sayeed
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Then next two weeks were to be veritable hell. My mother called me, and told me what ‎had transpired. Farhana (my wife) and I packed some clothes, and went off to stay with ‎my parents for the night. ‎

Shahid was overjoyed to see us. ‎

In the afternoon, Nanno came round, with his goons, young boys of about the same age. ‎When I saw him, all I wanted to do was to – kill him. I wanted to kill him for making my ‎parents go through this nightmare, for jeopardizing their lives. I had once won an award ‎in a shooting contest with a .22 rifle, and now I wished I had the rifle so that, perched on ‎the roof of the adjacent building, I could pick off this monster like I had picked off crows ‎on branches at an age more wanton. ‎

We tried our contacts. My brother-in-law had once been with the Bangladesh Chatra ‎League, the student front of the Awami League (AL) to which Nanno belonged, and ‎which was the source of his power. His cousin was also a member of the BCL, and he ‎met Nanno that night. ‎

Nanno was in an alcoholic stupor; he couldn't even recall whom he had tried to shake ‎down, and so the attempt at influencing him with a fellow-member proved fruitless. ‎

My parents were close to two members of the Awami League, Justice (retired) Debesh ‎Bhattacharya and his wife, Chitra Bhattacharya, who was to be MP after the next election ‎that would bring the AL to power (these threats were, incredibly enough, being made ‎when the AL was the opposition! This was a foretaste of what would happen when the ‎AL would come to power). ‎

It was only later that I had enough leisure to ponder the fact that these two people – the ‎retired judge who had sat on the highest court of the land, and his distinguished wife – ‎were allied to a party that drew its funds with the agency of students-turned-thugs: and ‎this was no secret. Everybody knew that the parties employed the services of musclemen ‎‎– more like muscleboys – to extort money. But what were an alleged gentleman and lady ‎doing with these people? ‎

My father called somebody in the party, hoping to be let off paying the "tax". He was ‎informed, in no uncertain terms, that the tax would have to be paid for part of it would be ‎routed to the leader of the party. ‎

Indeed, recent cases brought by the army-backed caretaker government have revealed the ‎extent to which Sheikh Hasina, party leader of the AL, depended on extortion. In one ‎case, she has been accused, with her cousin, of extorting Takas 29.9 million from the ‎managing director of a power company. Her cousin has confessed to the crime. ‎

The amount to be had from my father was a paltry sum; but these were early days: ‎democracy was only four years old. Over time, five-figure extortions would yield to ‎seven- and eight-figure extortions. ‎


A PRIVATE ARMY
I then decided to take matters into my own hands. I knew some trusted people, and my ‎parents, my wife and I drove out to see them. I spoke to my man, and a meeting was ‎arranged at my flat. ‎

They came in four motorbikes, driving terror into the hearts of the security guards at my ‎apartment building. They were the real McCoy – hired guns!‎

My parents were in my flat, and my father and I spoke with the blood-shot little militia I ‎had put together. They were murderers; for the right price, they would kill anybody ‎without a subsequent thought. ‎

They were decent, too. ‎

One of them – half-drunk – heard my wife making tea in the kitchen, and he went out to ‎tell her not to bother because the only thing they drank was whiskey! ‎

I felt powerful with these blokes around. I could see them blowing away Nanno and his ‎boys in a blaze of bullets – if they caused trouble! But the feeling didn't last long. ‎

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Iftekhar Sayeed teaches English and economics. He was born and lives in Dhaka, Ã ??Bangladesh. He has contributed to AXIS OF LOGIC, ENTER TEXT, POSTCOLONIAL Ã ??TEXT, LEFT CURVE, MOBIUS, ERBACCE, THE JOURNAL, and other publications. Ã ??He is also a (more...)
 
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