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When Egypt's Revolution Was at the Crossroads: Twelve Moments That Shook the World

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Esam Al-Amin
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January 26: The Muslim Brotherhood Joins

With few exceptions, most opposition groups, including the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) did not take the youth call to protest on January 25 seriously. Although many of the youth members of the MB joined the demonstrations that day, the group's leadership was skeptical and did not want to be accused by the regime of instigating the protests, thus inviting a new wave of repression of its members.

But once the scale and depth of the protests became known, supplemented by the pressure on the leadership by their youth members, the MB decided to join the massive protests. On January 26, Esam El-Erian, the MB spokesman, declared publicly that his movement would join the "Day of Rage" on Friday, January 28. With their massive grass roots membership across Egypt and their outstanding organizational skills and resources, the participation of the Muslim Brotherhood, followed by other opposition parties and civil society organizations gave the uprising a major boost. Instantly, the uprising promised to turn into a revolution.

January 28: The Security Apparatus Falters

For three decades the regime of Hosni Mubarak managed its total control of the Egyptian society through three main institutions: the state security apparatus, run by the Interior Ministry, the military, and the ruling National Democratic Party (NPD).

On the evening of January 27, former Interior Minster, Gen. Habib Al-Adli, called Mubarak promising to end the protests the following day. Further, he asked for and received permission from Mubarak to use live ammunition but was cautioned to minimize casualties.

As the security forces were by then stretched throughout the country and deprived from sleep for three continuous days, discipline had already broken down. True to its name, it was indeed a day of rage featuring hundreds of thousands of people in the streets, not just in Cairo, but also throughout all the major cities and provinces across Egypt.

On that day, over a hundred protesters lost their lives with thousands more maimed and injured. According to reliable Egyptian press repots, by evening, Mubarak angrily called his Interior Minister telling him that he had lost confidence in him and that the army would take over.

Upon hearing this, Al-Adli decided to withdraw all his security forces from the streets across Egypt, reportedly scoffing at Mubarak by telling his assistants, "let the military save him." By 5 PM that evening, the first circle of protection around Mubarak was totally broken.

January 29: The military refuses to crack down

By January 28, Mubarak gave his first speech after four days that saw a youth protest developing into a revolution, and a demand to dismiss his Interior Minister into a popular demand for his ouster. His speech appointing his Intelligence Chief, Gen. Omar Suleiman, as a new Vice President, as well as another general as his new Prime Minister, was dismissed out of hand by the revolutionaries in Tahrir Square and throughout Egypt.

They insisted that he leave power.

Mubarak immediately turned to his second circle of protection. He called his major military officers led by his Defense Minister, Field Marshal Mohammad Hussein Tantawi and Chief-of-Staff Gen. Sami Anan, requesting that they take control of the streets. He was firmly but politely told that the army would place units in major intersections, and protect government buildings and major landmarks, but would not shoot at the people. Twice he asked that they allow him to use the Air Force and the Presidential Guards, but each time he was rebuffed.

In the presence of Suleiman, they told him that he had to negotiate with the protesters to end the crisis. Meanwhile, they assured him of their loyalty and that they would stay neutral while he dealt with the situation.

February 2: Displaying Courage and Steadfastness in The Battle of the Camel

Once Mubarak lost control of his security apparatus and could not rely on his military, he turned to his third and last circle of protection, his political party, the NDP. But for the past five years he had turned the day-to-day management of the party to his son, Gamal.

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