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How We Got Here
The world could have taken a very different direction after the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, the evaporation of the Warsaw Pact in February 1991, and the breakup of the Soviet Union in December 1991. Those developments left the United States in a virtually unchallenged position of power -- and wise leaders might have seized the opportunity to wind down the world's excessive investment in military hardware and war-like solutions.
But the U.S. government chose a different course, one of "permanent" global hegemony with American troops as the world's "armed-up" policemen. Gulf War I, led by the United States in January-February 1991 to punish Iraq for invading Kuwait the previous summer, injected steroids into leading arrogant neocons like Paul Wolfowitz -- already awash in hubris.
Shortly after that war, Gen. Wesley Clark recalled Wolfowitz (then Undersecretary of Defense for Policy) explaining the thinking: "We learned [from Gulf War I] that we can use our military in the region, in the Middle East, and the Soviets won't stop us. And we've got about five or ten years to clean up those old Soviet client regimes -- Syria, Iran, Iraq before the next great superpower comes on to challenge us."
Clark highlighted this comment in an Oct. 3, 2007 speech, apparently thinking this might somehow enhance his credentials as a contender for the Democratic presidential nomination (see this highly instructive eight-minute excerpt).
Clark added that neocons like Bill Kristol and Richard Perle "could hardly wait to finish Iraq so they could move into Syria. ... It was a policy coup. ... Wolfowitz, [Vice President Dick] Cheney, [Defense Secretary Donald] Rumsfeld, and you could name a half-dozen other collaborators from the Project for a New American Century. They wanted us to destabilize the Middle East, turn it upside down, make it under our control." [See Consortiumnews.com's "Neocon 'Chaos Promotion' in the Mideast."]
The ideology of the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) was summarized in a 90-page report published in 2000 and titled, Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies, Forces, and Resources For a New Century, which advocated a Pax Americana enforced by the "preeminence of U.S. military forces."
The report emphasized that the fall of the Soviet Union left the U.S. the world's preeminent superpower, adding that the U.S. must work hard, not only to maintain that position, but to spread its military might into geographic areas that are ideologically opposed to its influence, subduing countries that may stand in the way of U.S. global preeminence.
PNAC's dogma, in turn, had antecedents in "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," a study written in 1996 for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as he was running for the election of his first government. That study was chaired by arch-neocon Richard Perle, who later served as Chair of Defense Secretary Rumsfeld's Defense Policy Board (2001-2003); the majority of the study contributors were also prominent American neocons.
Here's what Perle and associates, many of whom later found influential posts in the Bush/Cheney administration, had to say on Syria: "Given the nature of the regime in Damascus, it is both natural and moral that Israel abandon the slogan 'comprehensive peace' and move to contain Syria, drawing attention to its weapons of mass destruction program [sic], and rejecting 'land for peace' deals on the Golan Heights. ...
"Israel can shape its strategic environment, in cooperation with Turkey and Jordan, by weakening, containing, and even rolling back Syria. This effort can focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq -- an important Israeli strategic objective in its own right -- as a means of foiling Syria's regional ambitions."
Why Won't Assad Do What He's Told?
Given the hangover from the neocon binge during the Bush/Cheney years, one might say that President Obama was "under the influence" when he began calling for Assad to "step aside" in August 2011. Then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton chimed in, too, telling ABC, "Assad must go -- the sooner the better for everyone concerned."
The violence in 2011 was the catalyst for the civil war -- as Assad's forces cracked down on an "Arab Spring" uprising that while largely peaceful included extremist elements who killed police and ambushed troops. But the repeated unconditional-surrender demands from Secretary Clinton and other U.S. leaders that "Assad must go," plus "covert" U.S. support for rebels fighting against Syrian government forces, surely raised expectations that Assad would bow out, making the capture of Damascus a promising prize for a variety of Sunni militants.
Particularly pathetic has been Washington's benighted, keystone-cops support for so-called "moderate" rebels -- an embarrassing fiasco if there ever was one. For a while, the "mainstream media" actually was taking note of this disaster within a disaster, after the Pentagon recently acknowledged that its $500 million project had produced only four or five fighters still in the field.
Even earlier, President Obama recognized the fallacy in this approach. In August 2014, he told New York Times' columnist Thomas Friedman that trust in rebel "moderates" was a "fantasy" that was "never in the cards" as a workable strategy. But Obama bent to political and media pressure to "do something."
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