Even the editorial board of the Washington Post cautioned against such reckless "full support." On December 3rd, the editorial board observed, "If Mr. Yanukovych is forced from power by street marches or other extra-constitutional means, Ukraine will be vulnerable to the endless turmoil that has afflicted other nations that removed elected leaders, including Thailand and Egypt. Europe's insistence on democratic standards will look hollow, and Mr. Putin, who regards both the Orange Revolution and the current protests as a Western plot, will likely escalate his meddling."
Continuing its theme of revolutionary urgency, on December 3rd, the Times published a news article under the title, "Ukraine Protests Persist as Bid to Oust Government Fails." It reported that protesters were setting up barricades with razor wire and icing streets to impede assaults by police. It also reported chants by protestors who shouted "Glory to Ukraine! Glory to her heroes!" Out of ignorance or dishonestly, the reporters, Mr. Herszenhorn and Andrew Kramer, failed to mention that those were the chants of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) created in 1929, which incorporated the Union of Ukrainian Fascists.
According to these reporters, leaders of the "protest movement" were "a loose coalition of the three main political opposition parties, civic organizations and student groups." And according to these reporters, writing on December 8th, "support for Mr. Yanukovych and the government among his usual allies did appear to be weakening."
Yet, even at this early date, the Times characterization of the "protest movement" was inaccurate, if only because the bulk of the protesters came and went, while a core of armed militants stayed.
Precisely because the Times was enthralled by the prospect of an anti-Russian, right-side-of-history revolution, it took until mid-December before the so-called paper of record made any attempt to identify these armed militants. Worse, it failed to characterize, let alone highlight, any behavior by protesters as crimes -- even after the Shevchenko district court in Kiev ruled to prohibit the blocking of government buildings and the obstruction of government activity.
In contrast to the incompetent or dishonest on-the-spot reporting by the Times, the "White Book," gathered evidence months after the events and found that "among the participants of the Euromaidan" were "large and permanent groups of militants, numbering several thousand people, who organized the attacks--
These groups had "military and official body armor"helmets, shields, knee and elbow pads, masks, respirators, [and] gas masks." They had fire arms and cold arms, radio communication equipment and stun grenades. They dismantled stones, to be thrown at police, from bridges and pavements. And they manufactured Molotov cocktails and other explosive devices. (White Book, p. 37)
Unfortunately, the "White Book" fails to specify precisely when such weapons were used. I suspect that the most deadly weapons were not introduced until mid-January 2014.
These groups were "constantly present," unlike most of the protesters, and were most active in initiating violence. According to the "White Book," on December 1st some "protesters" attempted "to break through the Interior Ministry troops and police officer cordon on Bankovaya street in Kiev," in order to assault the Presidential Administration of Ukraine. (Imagine an attempt to assault our White House.)
In addition, "supporters of Pravyi Sektor entrenched themselves on the fifth floor of the House of Trade Unions. Party activists in AUU Svoboda actually took control of the Kiev City State Administration building." (pp. 9-10)
The see-no-evil Times did not even mention Right Sector (Pravyi Sektor) until 1 February 2014 and paid no serious attention to the group until 16 February. Imagine that! The Times was self-righteously pontificating about events at Maidan -- from late November to mid-February -- without having a clue about Right Sector violence. In fact, the incompetent or dishonest Times would not take the threat posed by Right Sector seriously, until it began to menace the very provisional government (the coup regime) that it had just brought to power.
As early as 3 December 2013, John Allen Gay (writing in The National Interest) complained that "Western coverage of the protests has ignored or downplayed the role of the crypto-fascist All-Ukrainian Union party, 'Svoboda.'" "Svoboda's leaders have associated themselves with the protest's most radical action, the occupation and barricading of the Kyiv City Hall." On December 8th, a group of extremists, led by Svoboda, demolished the Lenin statue on Shevchenko Boulevard.
Yet, it wasn't until 16 December 2013, when the Times finally got around to Svoboda. In an article titled "Unease as an Opposition Party Stands Out in Ukraine's Protest," Andrew E. Kramer noted that Svoboda "traces its roots to the Ukrainian partisan army of World War II, which was loosely allied with Nazi Germany." Until 2004 it was known as the Social-Nationalist Party -- a word flip away from the National socialism of the Nazis -- and that same year its leader, Oleg Tyagnibok, was expelled by the Ukrainian Parliament, due to his speech that extolled "World War II-era partisans bravely fighting Germans, Russians, Jews and 'other scum.'"
Mr. Kramer noted that "unabashed neo-Nazis still populate its ranks" and that its black and red banner, which was viewed to be a racist symbol and thus banned at soccer matches by FIFA, is ubiquitous at Independence Square.
Having been bussed into Kiev for weeks, "the activists make up much of the street muscle on the square." "As the protests have unfolded, the party's role has grown."
Although Svoboda took full control of City Hall in mid-December, Mr. Kramer reported that "Western diplomats say they respect Mr. Tyagnibok for keeping control of the unruly nationalist wing on the streets." Indeed, minimizing the role played by right-wing violence fit neatly with the theme that a popular (and thus legitimate) revolution was occurring at Maidan, not an ugly coup spearheaded by nasty people. The theme of popular revolution allowed Western writers, pundits and politicians to overlook who, precisely, was throwing those Molotov cocktails at police and buildings.
But, if incompetence or dishonesty explains why the Times failed to highlight these particular "bad guys," what explains the similarly egregious failure by Russia's reporters? Let's be clear: What the "White Book" reported after the fact was not what the Russian press was reporting on the spot.
(Note: You can view every article as one long page if you sign up as an Advocate Member, or higher).
