"Never again!" says the slogan in an email I received
from an activist friend. "Never again will we allow a stolen
election in the USA!"
But how are we going to stop it?
The major American political parties have an answer - it's
already working for them in the Ukraine - but it's very much a sword
that can cut two ways.
Interestingly, it was first used in the US.
On December 4, 2000, in time to change the outcome of the
Electoral College vote, Greg Palast published an article in Salon.com,
made into a BBC
television documentary shortly thereafter, that laid out solid
evidence of massive electoral fraud in Florida, perpetrated against
the majority-Democratic-voting African American community by
Katherine Harris and Jeb Bush. Without this fraud, Gore would have
easily carried the state.
Even more glaring, a consortium of news organizations found and
reported on the front page of The New York Times (and other papers)
on 12 September 2001, that in Florida "...a statewide recount
-- could have produced enough votes to tilt the election his
[Gore's] way, no matter what standard was chosen to judge voter
intent." (The Times apparently chose to bury this fact - that
Gore actually won the 2000 election - in the 15th paragraph and
behind a misleading headline because the nation had been attacked on
9/11 the day before.)
Not only was the election of 2000 stolen by the Bush brothers,
but it was proven by the later statewide recount that - even after
Jeb's knocking thousands of African Americans off the rolls - Gore
still would have won Florida had all the votes been counted.
This was outrageous news, enough to bring people into the
streets. And there were demonstrations - loud and angry ones. But
they were round-the-clock in front of Al Gore's VP residence in
Washington DC (shouting with bullhorns "Get out of Dick
Cheney's house!"), outside (and often within) vote-counting
headquarters' in Florida, and entirely composed of Republicans.
Where were the protesting Democrats? Other than those in a few of
Florida's African American communities and the Congressional Black
Caucus, they were largely invisible. If Democrats and progressives
had taken to the streets in mass numbers nationwide that November
and December, it's entirely probable that the Supreme Court would
have backed off and allowed a statewide recount to continue, and Al
Gore would have been president for the past four years, instead of
George W. Bush.
Ironically, the Democratic Party knows how to highlight election
fraud and start national movements to bring down administrations
that try to steal elections. A Party-affiliated group has helped do
it four times in the past four years.
But not in Ohio, Florida, or anywhere else in the USA.
Instead, the National
Democratic Institute for International Affairs (Madeleine K.
Albright, Chairman) has joined up with a similar organization
affiliated with the Republican Party (the
International Republican Institute - John McCain, Chairman),
other NGOs, and US government agencies to support the use of exit
polls and statistical analyses to challenge national elections in
Ukraine, Serbia, Belarus, and the former Soviet republic of Georgia.
In three of those four nations they succeeded in not only
mounting a national challenge, but in reversing the outcomes of
elections.
The election reversals were accomplished by funding local groups
- most made up of a core of activists and college students - who
worked to topple regimes that had rigged their own re-elections.
As Ian Traynor - one of the finest investigative reporters
working in the world today - notes in a 26 November 2004 article in
The Guardian titled "US
Campaign Behind the Turmoil in Kiev," "the campaign is
an American creation, a sophisticated and brilliantly conceived
exercise in western branding and mass marketing that, in four
countries in four years, has been used to try to salvage rigged
elections and topple unsavory regimes."
The campaign to unseat corrupt regimes is funded by groups
affiliated with both the Democratic and Republican parties, Traynor
notes, as well as the US State Department, the US Agency for
International Development, and non-governmental organizations
including George Soros's Open Society Institute and the late Eleanor
Roosevelt's organization Freedom House (a group whose board of
directors is now chaired by the notorious former CIA director R.
James Woolsey).
Woolsey's participation aside, Traynor's report implies that this
coalition of political, governmental, and philanthropic groups is
more interested in promoting the will of the local people than in
propping up regimes friendly to the US. One of the four candidates
they've supported in the past four years was even openly anti-US
(Kostunica in Serbia). The common denominator among the nations
targeted is that in all four there was widespread evidence the
regimes in power were planning to steal the elections.
One of the keys to making the program work is tight organization
and planning before the election begins. The resistance movement is
carefully branded with a single-phrase slogan such as "He's
Finished" or "High Time," and an uncomplicated logo
is designed - like the fist used in Serbia or the ticking clock used
in Ukraine - that's easily reproduced on posters and
stencil-spray-painted in public places.
On Election Day, Traynor reports, the apparatus springs into
action. Their main tool is a nationwide set of exit polls along with
election observers supplied by credible organizations like the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE - which monitored
the 2004 US elections and raised questions about non-transparent
electronic voting machines). The exit poll results are released to
the public before the official results, putting the regime in power
in the difficult position of being reactive rather than proactive in
declaring victory.
Because in each of these nations the media - radio, TV, and
newspapers - are either controlled by, beholden to, or owned by
supporters of the regime in power, the disparity between the exit
polls and the official election result is trumpeted through
non-traditional media like the internet, local activist groups, and
mass rallies, until a critical mass is achieved, forcing the
mainstream (regime-friendly) media to cover the story.
At the same time, nations who claim the ideal of free, fair, and
transparent elections are encouraged to speak out, further inflaming
the issue. This is no accident, of course - Traynor reports that the
US government itself invested over $44 million in challenging the
results of the Serbian election, and is estimated to have put $14
million into supporting groups challenging the recent Ukrainian
election.
Thus, we have the irony of US Secretary of State Colin Powell
saying of the Ukrainian election: "We have been following
developments very closely and are deeply disturbed by the extensive
and credible reports of fraud in the election. ... We call for a
full review of the conduct of the election and the tallying of
election results."
In many ways, such campaigns are exactly what Republicans did in
2000, when they organized an airlift of aides from Tom DeLay's
office in Washington DC to riot in the Florida offices where votes
were being recounted. That Ukraine-like guerilla theater led to
national media coverage and the intervention of the US Supreme
Court. The theater of protest - most Americans thought the angry
people banging on the vote-counting windows were Floridians and
didn't realize most had been flown in from Washington DC - became
its own story and helped forge public pressure to shut down the Gore
campaign's attempt to determine the real Florida count. It was also
so effective at grabbing the headlines that it eclipsed the Greg
Palast's scoop showing criminal and widespread disenfranchisement of
African Americans in Florida.
Here we are again, in 2004, with another dubious election.
And, although evidence of fraud and vote rigging in the 2004 US
election is mounting today, there was no widespread mobilization
like the ones we encouraged in other nations or saw in Florida in
2000. Thus, it's extremely unlikely national institutions like the
mainstream media, Congress, or the Supreme Court will seriously
challenge or even expose to the general public the many deficiencies
of this election.
Because the Democratic party and progressive activists failed to
plan a PR response to election-rigging in Florida and Ohio (among
other states), such efforts (and some damning and shocking new
revelations) are now being carried in "new media" like the
internet by folks like Bev
Harris, Greg
Palast, and Bob
Fitrakis, and in foreign media like New Zealand's "The
Scoop", and the BBC.
Many Democrats and progressives believe now is the time for
national advocacy groups to organize an effort similar to the one
our nation has been promulgating in the former Soviet states and the
Republicans used in Florida in 2000. The blueprint is laid out in
Ian Traynor's article in The Guardian at www.guardian.co.uk/ukraine/story/0,15569,1360236,00.html,
and the template is both simple, straightforward, and already
demonstrated to work.
The next national elections will be held in the United States in
2006, and there's a lesson for us in the 1972 midterm elections.
Although Richard Nixon won a landslide re-election that year,
carrying every state except Massachusetts, he was out of office
within 18 months because the House and Senate were in Democratic
hands and Senator Sam Irvin was able to proceed with an
investigation of Nixon's crimes while in office. Opposition control
of Congress is about the only way to hold a president accountable:
Republican control of Congress led to the impeachments of Andrew
Jackson and Bill Clinton. (And when a President appoints his own
attorney as the nation's head prosecutor - Attorney General - it
becomes virtually impossible to prosecute the President outside of
the House or Senate.)
Thus, the first key to returning America to multiparty rule and
re-opening the political process will be in electing progressive
Democrats (and Independents like Vermont's Bernie Sanders) to the US
House and Senate in 2006.
But first we must prepare to take on a Republican machine that
has already corrupted the electoral process in the past three
elections, and knows how to "pull a Ukraine" in any state
at any time with single a phone call to Jim Baker or Tom DeLay. In a
preemptory move, Republicans are now calling for an end to exit
polls in the USA because, as RNC Chairman and former Enron lobbyist Ed
Gillespie noted on November 4th, "In 2000 the exit data was
wrong on Election Day, in 2002 the exit returns were wrong on
Election Day, and in 2004, the exit data were wrong on Election Day
- all three times, by the way, in a way that skewed against
Republicans and had a dispiriting effect on Republican voters across
the country."
Each of those three "skewed" elections was an
opportunity for national mobilization.
In 2000 it could have been to highlight the removal from voting
rolls in Florida of tens of thousands of African American Democrats.
The 2002 election could have revealed the "trade secret"
software running non-paper-trail voting machines in Georgia that
defied the polls and threw out Max Cleland (helping establish
Republican control of the Senate in 2002). And the 2004 election
could have again raised questions about voting machines, Florida
purge rolls moving to other states, dirty tricks (phone calls to
registered Democrats telling them their polling places had changed,
etc.), and, as Fitrakis has documented, disclosed patterns of
precinct and machine placements in Ohio (and other states) that
caused thousands - perhaps hundreds of thousands - of Ohio Kerry
voters to give up and leave 10+ hour lines because they had to go to
work or pick kids up from school.
Some will suggest this is a dangerous strategy because
Republicans will simply organize their own exit polls, PR machine,
and national mobilization. To them, I'd point out that this is
already happening.
Republicans are getting ready, and have known since 2000 how well
this can work in America. Without a countervailing grass-roots but
national response, we'll continue to move toward a Stalinist type of
state, with single-party rule, "purges" of the
intelligence and law enforcement communities, increasing limits on
civil liberties, and widespread cynicism about politics leading to
increasing nonparticipation in the process. .
As generations of activists have taught us, we can't wait around
for politicians to fix a corrupted political system. It's going to
take - as the Ukrainians are now showing us - involved and active
citizens to make this happen, and that requires an organizational
framework to cut through the political and media fog.
And now is the time to begin.
Thom Hartmann (thom at thomhartmann.com) is a Project Censored
Award-winning best-selling author and host of a nationally
syndicated daily progressive talk show. www.thomhartmann.com
His most recent books are "The
Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight," "Unequal
Protection: The Rise of Corporate Dominance and the Theft of Human
Rights," "We
The People: A Call To Take Back America," and "What
Would Jefferson Do?: A Return To Democracy."