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By Martin Zehr (about the author) Page 1 of 2 page(s)
For OpEdNews: Martin Zehr - Writer
Standing in opposition to this road have been long-time Democratic stalwarts, Barney Frank and Tom Hayden. They are apparently the designated hit-men for the Democrats when it comes to trying to marginalize third party efforts such as the Greens. Their credentials have established them a base among liberals and new century radicals. They're actions indicate profound hesitation towards an agenda that can implement change in the 21st century.
The situation being what it is there can be no illusion that there is not a potential for either a left of center third party such as the Greens, or a right of center party, such as the Reform or Libertarian Parties. The question is why doesn't it happen?
The two party system is the political paradigm that represents the emerging multi-national corporate state. Its function is to represent corporate interest, not the interests of stakeholders or citizens. As a result there remains a significant body of citizens and residents in the US who are not represented in the decision-making process. The term "marginalization" has long been used to describe people with no voice in the political process. Democracy is determined by the dollar amount that one can contribute to the campaigns of candidates.
This transformation of the two major political parties into contributor-based organizations has resulted in a shift away from traditional constituency groups. Instead, campaigns consist of fund-raising contests in which millions of dollars are put on the table in the pursuit of favorable governmental allocations and regulations for the economic interests of a privileged oligarchy.
As constituency groups (defined simply as voter blocs) disappear in significance, there is an increasing convergence of interest of the two political parties seeking financial support from the same sources. In this context, the platforms and political policies of the two parties are increasingly homogenized. Trade policies, monetary policies, entitlements, the social safety net, foreign policy, and environmental policies become less based on whom the parties are representing, than who is signing the checkbook.
As the power of the two parties and their financial supporters increase, there is less willingness to analyze the circumstances of the body politic, and more of a desire to obfuscate the dynamic that seeks to preserve the prerogatives of the few. To do this, new interpretations of Constitutional law are required and changes are needed in existing language.
THIRD PARTIES MAKE THEIR OWN SPACE
In a survey published in July 2004, the AARP found that 56% of baby boomers (ages 40-57) support a strong third party, see http://www.seniorjournal.com/NEWS/Politics/4-07-20Survey.htm . In recent elections for President in 1992 and in 2000 there has been a third party constituency with representation at the ballot box. Getting 19% of the popular vote in 1992, billionaire candidate H. Ross Perot demonstrated both the limited access to the presidential ballot, by using his own fortune for his campaign, and the constituency that is accessible to third parties. As the candidate for the Reform Party, he is never tied to the description of "having been thought by many to have caused the election of Bill Clinton as President". Getting less then 4% of the vote in 2000, the same can not be said of the Green Party candidate for president, Ralph Nader.
The election of reform Party candidate Jesse Ventura in 1998 as Governor of Minnesota is a demonstration on the state level of the potential of third parties and the electability of third party candidates. The mayoral runoff of Democrat Gavin Newsome against Green Matt Gonzalez demonstrated that third party candidates have their own constituencies that represent very real and present dangers to those vested in the political machines of duopoly-controlled cities and states. New Paltz, New York elected third party mayor, deputy mayor and the majority of the city council. New Mexico's third party candidate for governor in 1992 received 11% of the state vote, and a third party candidate for Congress received 15% in one election and 17% in another.
From this contention has emerged faint but distinct voices of opposition from parties that are not completely focused on constituent-based electoral politics. The Libertarian Party demonstrated itself as a small presence, but a significant force in the Presidential campaign by the willingness of its candidate to raise opposition to the war in Iraq in his campaign. The Reform Party sparked a national debate on the budget deficit in 1992, and gained a vote sufficient to receive matching funds in 1996. "In 1996--for the first time in the 20-year history of public funding--a non-major party Presidential candidate qualified for general election funding before the election. The Commission certified Reform Party nominee Ross Perot as being eligible for roughly $29 million on August 22." http://www.fec.gov/info/arch2.htm .
In 2000, Green Party candidate for President Ralph Nader received 2,882,955 or 2.74% of the total popular vote. http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0876793.html . A new citizen voice has arisen out of these campaigns and from the local grassroots engagement in Nader's state campaigns. There is no question that four years of the ABB public relations campaign to blame Nader for GW Bush's election produced its desired effects. In 2004, Nader paid the price for his persistence in upholding the right of the American people to vote for the candidate of their choice and insisting on the right of candidates that are qualified to be given ballot access. This, in spite of, numerous efforts to deny him the opportunity to be on the ballot through high priced lawsuits. "Moffett says his group has raised about $100,000 to fight Nader and is relying on pro bono work from lawyers across the country who have contributed up to $2 million worth of labor." http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A26933-2004Aug23
The point is that the new opposition is a real threat to the two parties. The anti-war organizations preferred to remain mute and not make a public display of support for the Libertarian's anti-war position. By abandoning the effort to swing public opinion as an integral part of a Presidential campaign, they essentially justified GW Bush's invasion of Iraq through their silence and acquiescence. The Reform Party was taken out of the picture by Patrick Buchanan by 2000.
In 2006 once again the Democrats emerged from hiding. Unfortunately, they never demonstrated any willingness to unite around a common agenda. They were against the war, but were not for withdrawal. They were silent on Kurdish autonomy and appear falling behind the Iran Study Group simply because it proposes something concrete to them that they have not been able to develop on their own.
POLITICAL POWER IS THE DETERMINING FACTOR
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Martin Zehr is an American political writer in the San Francisco area. He spent 8 years working as a volunteer water planner for the Middle Rio Grande region. http://www.waterassembly.org
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