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By Ben Dench (about the author) Page 1 of 2 page(s)
For OpEdNews: Ben Dench - Writer
John Perkins wrote a book called Confessions of an Economic Hit Man (and more recently The Secret History of the American Empire)
about his experiences working for the government / powerful
corporations to gain political power over other countries through
economic means. What economic hit men do is they go to "underdeveloped"
countries and they explain to the leadership why they should invest in
American industry. They fix numbers and show the leaders why, while a
power plant of size x would power their entire country, they should
build one ten times that size. They tell them that the standard of
living will go up for their country, but this is a lie. The standard of
living goes up for a handful of individuals and the rest of the country
goes into destitute poverty. What happens is they get them to sign off
on the deal, we loan them more money than they could ever pay us back,
we fix the books to make sure that they never do pay us back, and then
we own them. If we need a U.N. vote, a coalition of the willing, for
them to destroy certain agriculture we don't like, or for them to hand
over their natural resources at a price reasonable to us, they have to
do it if they want to be a part of the global market. Now, they really
do pay us back, because most of the money we loan them goes into
American industry anyway, but on paper they are perpetually in our debt
and we own them.
If we want to control a country, war is usually
the last resort in today's world. It's just not practical anymore. It's
far easier to conquer other nations economically-but it doesn't always
work. If the leadership doesn't make a deal with us, the next step is
to send in people to stir up resistance groups within the country and
try to get them to overthrow the current administration. If the
resistance groups succeed, we make our deal with the new
administration, which we helped to put in power. If they don't, then we
turn to war. Which brings us to Iraq. In the lead up to war, we heard a
lot about how Saddam Hussein was a butcher who treated his people
horribly. This may have been true, but our leadership didn't really
care about that. If Saddam Hussein had played ball with us we would
have loved him. We would have talked about how great he was. We would
have given him the same deal we gave the Saudis-sell us oil at a price
acceptable to us and we will keep you in power indefinitely. But he
didn't, and we weren't able to dislodge him by stirring up resistance,
so we ended up going to war.
For the first time in the history
of the world-and this is still following what Perkins says-we have a
world empire, though it is largely invisible since it exists mostly
economically rather than militarily. The problem is that empires always
fall. Always. Why? Because they are structurally unsound. You can't
exploit the majority of the people indefinitely without having serious
consequences. Terrorism is one of those consequences, and it's only
going to get worse. It's not that I wish it upon America-I very much
wish the opposite-but if we keep dealing with things the way we
currently are, we are going to suffer more terrorism. You can count on
it. You can't ultimately stop terrorism by killing terrorists-like with
antibiotics, you are only going to breed a stronger strain. And unlike
with antibiotics, you are going to exhaust your own resources in the
process.
But there is hope. Because at the same time that we
have the first global empire in the history of the world, we also have
the potential for the first global federation. Perkins points out that
all the institutions are in place so that if we wanted to we could
extend the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness to
everyone in the world. He argues that MacDonald's could feed everyone
in the world, Nike could clothe everyone in the world, and Home Depot
could create housing for everyone in the world. They could do it
inexpensively and efficiently, and we would pay for it through taxes at
a fraction of the cost of war.1
Politically, we could use our economic leverage to get despots to be
more responsive to their people. That may be the only way to end
terrorism. People turn to violence when they feel it's the best way of
advancing the interests of either themselves or their people. If we
don't want people to turn to violence, we need to provide them with
better alternatives. Nihilism is a terrible thing. If people feel the
cards are stacked against them and they can't succeed, they will turn
to anything to try and feel themselves as powerful. "We would rather
will nothingness than not will" (Nietzsche). So the question is, how
can we work with all the peoples of the world for a better future? All
the institutions are in place-the only resource we are lacking in is
consciousness. We need people to be aware of these inner workings to be
able to do this. The corporations that traditionally fund campaign
elections (I say traditionally because Barack Obama has been a shining
example of how the Internet may save us from this situation) are not
going to be inspired to promote it through the goodness of their own
hearts-we have to force their hand. One could argue that the poor in
this country have more in common with the poor in the Middle East than
they do with the rich in this country-and even the rich are not
supporting something that is going to be good for them in the long run.
Whether or not these groups are aware of these things is another matter.
In reading The End of Faith,
I think that Sam Harris may not give enough weight to the fact that
fundamentalism (Islamic or Christian) gains a lot of influence from
economic desperation (and in the case of Islam, military antagonism),
even though not all members of it are poor or ill educated.
"Many
commentators on the Middle East have suggested that the problem of
Muslim terrorism cannot be reduced to what religious Muslims believe.
Zakaria has written that the roots of Muslim violence lie not in Islam
but in the recent history of the Arab Middle East. He points out that a
mere fifty years ago, the Arab world stood on the cusp of modernity and
then, tragically, fell backward. The true cause of terrorism,
therefore, is simply the tyranny under which most Arabs have lived ever
since. The problem, as Zakaria puts it, 'is wealth, not poverty.' The
ability to pull money straight out of the ground has led Arab
governments to be entirely unresponsive to the concerns of their
people. As it turns out, not needing to collect taxes is highly
corrupting of state power. The result is just what we see-rich,
repressive regimes built upon political and economic swampland. Little
good is achieved for the forces of modernity when its mere
products-fast food, television, and advanced weaponry-are hurled into
the swamp as well.
"According to Zakaria, 'if there is one great
cause of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, it is the total failure of
political institutions in the Arab world.' Perhaps. But 'the rise of
Islamic fundamentalism' is only a problem because the fundamentals of Islam
are a problem. A rise of Jain fundamentalism would endanger no one. In
fact, the uncontrollable spread of Jainism throughout the world would
improve our situation immensely. We would loose more of our crops to
pests, perhaps (observant Jains generally will not kill anything,
including insects), but we would not find ourselves surrounded by
suicidal terrorists or by a civilization that widely condones their
actions."
(Harris, The End of Faith, 147-148: quoting Zakaria, Future of Freedom, 138 & 143.)
I
think Harris is being somewhat one-sided in his assessment of Islamic
and Jain fundamentalism. I think that Islamic fundamentalism is
problematic, but I also think that it serves a purpose for those being
mobilized by it that shouldn't be overlooked. Similarly, the spread of
Jainism may improve our condition, but not necessarily the conditions
of those he seems to envision adopting it. While I agree with him that
the specific beliefs a group holds are an important factor, I think he
doesn't seem to appreciate that dogmatic nihilism, too, exists because
it serves certain purposes. How can you successfully promote pragmatic
idealism in the absence of peaceful and economically successful
conditions?2 When people are
surrounded by desperation, they don't have the luxury of dispassionate
intellectual inquiry. They will believe anything that will help them
survive as a group, even if
not as individuals. Even if the specific terrorist bombers are middle
class and well educated, they are members of an ideology that has its
foothold, its economic and emotional base, in the poor and distraught.
Islam being untrue is really besides the point if it helps Middle
Eastern groups mobilize against their very real economic, military, and
political enemies. Fundamentalist groups are able to exploit the poor
and the "poor in spirit" because we ourselves allow individuals to
exist in such states of poverty. As comedian David Cross explained, "I
don't think Osama bin Laden sent those planes to attack us because he
hated our freedom. I think he did it because of our support for Israel,
our ties with the Saudi family, and all our military bases in Saudi
Arabia. Do you know why I think that? Because that's what he said!"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h6UOcmbHrDY
And
though we may not agree with Osama bin Laden's motives, those would
seem to be concerns as reasonable as any that have ever been given for
going to war. We might not like their tactics, but the British didn't
much like ours. Were we cowards for not dressing up in bright uniforms
and marching towards our enemies in straight lines? Anytime any new or
unconventional tactic has been used in the history of war, the other
side has always regarded it as unfair, cowardly, monstrous. But
al-Qaeda has no means to fight us "our way"-so they do what they have
to do to obtain their goal. And we do the same. How is it that we
complain of the loss of our innocents,3
but regard Hiroshima and Nagasaki as legitimate? After all, we didn't
have to fight Japan. We could have given up. And that is essentially
what we would be asking our enemies to do in not fighting us through
terrorism.
Approximately 3,000 people died in the September 11th
attacks. In contrast, as few as 50,000 and as many as over half a
million people have died in the war in Iraq as of June 2006 (the lower
number being based on the Los Angeles Times estimate and the upper on
the 2006 Lancet survey of mortality). Among the casualties are the
deaths of 3,601 members of the U.S. armed forces (as of July 7, 2007)
if that makes any difference to you. Approximately 140,000 people in
Hiroshima and 74,000 people in Nagasaki died as a result of our nuclear
attack-the great majority of which were civilians. Approximately 24,000
people (8 times the number that died in the 9/11 attack) die every day
(every day!) of starvation, despite the fact that there is more than
enough food in the world to feed everyone. Osama bin Laden wanted
America to attack the Middle East because he wanted to unite the
Muslims in the Middle East in a struggle against their common enemy of
American injustice. And the Bush administration, at least, helped him
succeed in that. If our goal was to end terrorism, our behavior was
irrational, because it didn't support the attainment of that goal. In
fact, it contradicted it.
I think the world would be better off
without Islam, just like I think the world would be better off without
Christianity. And I think the world would be much better off without
fundamentalism of every kind. But again, virtue must be cultivated. It
cannot be forced. That Islam is
untrue is really besides the point if it helps those in the Middle East
to organize against their very real economic, political, and military
enemies. Sam Harris says that he doesn't support pacifism, and yet he also seems to lament
that Islamic rather than Jain fundamentalism is spreading. One wonders
if he regards the people of the Middle East as ends in themselves or
cares about their interests at all. How convenient it would be
to have the masses we exploit take strict Jain vows of nonviolence. But
I for one do not ask that of them. Their lives are every bit as
precious to me as those of Americans. While it may be impossible to
deal diplomatically with fundamentalists, our question should be "How
can we best dissolve fundamentalism and promote enlightened reasoning
here and abroad?" I don't know for sure, but it seems safe to say that
exploitation and war are not the most effective ways to go about doing
this-even if war is sometimes necessary.4
Noam
Chompsky considers what the U.S. has been doing terrorism under his
definition of the word, and I see no compelling reason to regard our
brutality as more legitimate than that of our enemies. The irony is
that if you really want to end terrorism, you have to promote harmony
between countries and social welfare across the world.
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