Legitimizing Permanent Occupation of Iraq - by Stephen Lendman
Washington is currently negotiating two accords with the al-Maliki government to take effect after expiration of the UN's military mandate on December 31. One agreement is for a long-term "strategic framework" to establish "cooperation in the political, economic, cultural and security fields." Or according to the administration - to defend Iraq's "sovereignty and integrity of its territories, waters, and airspace."
The other is a so-called "status of forces agreement" (SOFA) to provide legitimacy for the US occupation beginning January 1, 2009. Following the 2003 invasion, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1511. It officially recognized the "Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA)" and authorized a multinational force to bring "stability" to the country. Part of the agreement was for the mandate to be reauthorized each year. It's been done "at the request of the Iraqi government." By late 2007, al-Maliki asked for a mandate extension "for the last time" to officially end Iraq's international peace and security threat designation that's been in place since August 1990.
In November 2007, George Bush and al-Maliki signed a preliminary US - Iraq political, economic, and security agreement. Part of it is for an indefinite US military presence. Final completion was to be by July 31, 2008, but with the date fast approaching and widespread opposition, things may likely change.
For months, US plans generated considerable opposition - within and outside Iraq. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani objected. So has Iran and a majority of Iraqi parliamentarians who vowed to veto any agreement not approved by the country's Council of Representatives. On May 29, they further said that any US - Iraq bilateral agreement must "obligate the occupying American military forces to fully withdraw from Iraq." On May 28, Muqtada al-Sadr went further. He called for protests against the ("forces of darkness") SOFA and issued orders to:
-- raise awareness of its terms;
-- unite political opposition against it;
-- participate in weekly protests;
-- hold a national referendum or if denied gather millions of opposition signatures;
-- form political and religious delegations in opposition;
-- set a timetable for the occupation's end;
-- inform the Iraqi government it has no right to sign an agreement; and
-- to have the Hawza Shiite religious academy become more active and stand against an agreement that's clearly against the interests of the Iraqi people.
Within the US, some in Congress object that George Bush claims authority as commander-in-chief to constitutionally bypass lawmakers and deal unilaterally with the Iraqi government. Others like Yale Law School Professors Oona Hathaway and Bruce Ackerman concur and believe the agreement "moves far beyond" traditional accords and must be subject to congressional review.
In a February 15, 2008 Washington Post.com op-ed, they state "The Bush administration is so intent on securing its legacy in Iraq that it is once again ignoring the Constitution....it is well on its way toward (deepening America's) commitment without the congressional support the Constitution requires."
I am a 72 year old, retired, progressive small businessman concerned about all the major national and world issues, committed to speak out and write about them.
Iraq's Prime Minister says we should leave or set a time table for doing so. We liberated them? Then we need to leave when they have asked us to...or admit the only reason we are there is to occupy them and steal their Oil.
by
Paul Kruger (33 articles, 1 quicklinks, 6 diaries, 275 comments)
on Wednesday, July 9, 2008 at 1:30:03 PM
What the US is asking for is predictable. The plan was all set out long ago in the PNAC papers. The members of PNAC are now mostly in the Bush administration.
Don't say you weren't warned when you voted for Bush.
by
gravity32 (0 articles, 0 quicklinks, 0 diaries, 174 comments)
on Wednesday, July 9, 2008 at 9:49:50 PM
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