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November 29, 2016

House Democrats: New Leadership, New Energy

By Robert Borosage

Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio) announced he would challenge Pelosi. Only one problem: Pelosi is virtually irreplaceable. She's the most skilled in unifying the caucus, and gearing it up to fight. She is experienced and whip smart, vital in the upcoming negotiations over budgets and the Trump agenda. She's the leader that the progressives in the caucus will trust to draw the right red lines.

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From Our Future

Nancy Pelosi
Nancy Pelosi
(Image by don relyea)
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The following was originally published at TheNation.com

House Democrats will caucus this week to decide who will lead them in the coming term as they gird for the assault coming from Trump and the Republican congressional majorities. Rep. Nancy Pelosi, head of the caucus since 2003, is widely considered a shoo-in for re-election as leader, despite a challenge by Rep. Tim Ryan of Ohio. But Democrats have been in the minority since the disastrous 2010 bi-elections. In the House where the majority rules, that is the closest thing to six, going on eight years, of house arrest.

A squad of spry septuagenarians leads Democrats: Pelosi is 76; Steny Hoyer, the Whip, is 77; Assistant Democratic Leader James Clyburn is 76. Pelosi and Hoyer have been in place since 2003. In contrast, Republican leader, Speaker Paul Ryan, turns 47 in January. It is hard to argue that Democrats represent the future when their leaders have far more days behind them than ahead.

Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio) announced he would challenge Pelosi. Only one problem: Pelosi is virtually irreplaceable. She's the most skilled in unifying the caucus, and gearing it up to fight. She is experienced and whip smart, vital in the upcoming negotiations over budgets and the Trump agenda. She's the leader that the progressives in the caucus will trust to draw the right red lines. She is by far the most prodigious fundraiser in the House, reportedly raising over $141 million for House Democrats in the last cycle.

Pelosi is the wife of a San Francisco millionaire, beloved in Silicon Valley. But she has the rock solid values of a Roosevelt Democrat. Republicans mocked her as a "San Francisco Democrat" when she was first chosen leader. They soon discovered that she was the true heir to her father, Tommy D'Alesandro, the legendary Baltimore Mayor beloved by working people. Pelosi isn't the best public speaker or the best on television, but Democrats would be in worse shape without her leadership.

The obvious course isn't a futile attempt to dislodge Pelosi, but a concerted challenge to Chief Whip Steny Hoyer, Pelosi's number 2. Hoyer is everything young people hate about Democrats. He's a career politician. He graduated from law school in 1966 and became a state legislator that same year. He's the chosen Democrat of the lobby crowd. He was favorite of the southern Blue Dogs until they got wiped out as Republicans became the party of the white South. He was celebrated by the New Democrats for supporting Bush's invasion of Iraq, the biggest foreign policy debacle since Vietnam. He's the champion of corporate trade deals, the stalwart of Wall Street's deficit fixation, the useful idiot of Republicans hankering for a grand bargain that cuts Social Security and Medicare in exchange for token infrastructure spending. He's a corporate Democrat of the party's past, not a populist Democrat of its future.

He and Pelosi hold each other in high disregard, and Hoyer won't hesitate to undermine her if it fits his purposes. He is exactly the wrong person to be in leadership as Democrats rally to oppose Paul Ryan's efforts to turn Medicare into a voucher program or to find ways to cut Social Security. It may be counter-intuitive to get rid of the top white male in leadership when Democrats are worrying about how to appeal to the white working class. But Hoyer is exactly the kind of professional politician that those voters have learned to loathe.

Hoyer retains his position mostly because he raises lots of dough from corporate and union PACs that he distributes to his colleagues. Arguing that Hoyer would be a shoo-in to replace Pelosi were she to retire, Rep. Gerry Connolly, one of his loyalists, inadvertently exposes Hoyer's empty suit, arguing that "Everybody kind of feels he's earned it. It's his turn. He's been a loyal lieutenant [NOT] and an able whip and leader." It's not that he stands for anything, or leads anything. Hoyer has raised dough for members from various PACs and "it's his turn." Hard to make a more compelling argument for retiring him from leadership ASAP.

So elect Rep. Xavier Becerra, the 58-year-old leader of the Democratic Caucus, or someone else from the next generation to take Hoyer's place. Becerra isn't a Sanders Democrat, but he understands that Democrats have to protect Social Security and Medicare. He opposes the deficit fixation of Pete Peterson and the austerity Democrats. Let Pelosi groom him or his equivalent to succeed her. Make him a leading spokesperson for Democrats as they challenge the fake populism of Trump and foil Ryan's assault on Medicare and Social Security.

Pelosi has always recognized the need to lift up younger members. She groomed Chris Van Hollen to be her replacement, but he got tired of waiting and bolted to the Senate. Now she should turn her influence to prepare new leadership while removing someone who personifies where Democrats go wrong.

It is time for younger Democrats to step up. Stop deferring to the entrenched leaders. Get rid of Hoyer as a demonstration that the old New Democrat neo-liberalism is part of the party's past, not its present or future. It's far past time to move on.



Authors Website: http://www.ourfuture.org

Authors Bio:

Robert L. Borosage is the president of the Institute for America's Future and co-director of its sister organization, the Campaign for America's Future. The organizations were launched by 100 prominent Americans to challenge the rightward drift in U.S. politics, and to develop the policies, message and issue campaigns to help forge an enduring majority for progressive change in America. Most recently, Borosage spearheaded the Campaign's 2006 issues book, StraightTalk 2006, providing activists and candidates with distilled messages on kitchen table concerns, from jobs to affordable health care. Borosage also helped to found and chairs the Progressive Majority Political Action Committee, developing a national base of small donors and skilled activists. Progressive Majority recruits, staffs, and funds progressive candidates for political office.


Mr. Borosage writes widely on political, economic and national security issues for a range of publications including The Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and the Philadelphia Inquirer. He is a Contributing Editor at The Nation magazine, and a regular contributor to The American Prospect magazine. He is a frequent commentator on television and radio, including Fox Morning News, RadioNation, National Public Radio, C-SPAN and Pacifica Radio. He teaches on presidential power and national security as an adjunct professor at American University's Washington School of Law.


A graduate of Yale Law School, with a graduate degree in International Affairs from George Washington University, Borosage left the practice of law to found the Center for National Security Studies in 1974. The Center focused on the tension between civil rights and the national security powers and prerogatives of the executive branch. It played a leading role in the efforts to investigate the intelligence agencies in the 1970s, curb their abuses, and hold them accountable in the future. At the Center, he helped to write and edit two books, The CIA File and The Lawless State.


In 1979, Borosage became Director of the Institute for Policy Studies, a research institute that drew its inspiration and fellowship from the major democratic movements of our time -- anti-war, women's, environmental and civil rights movements. Borosage helped to found and guide Countdown 88, which succeeded in winning the congressional ban on covert action against Nicaragua. Under Borosage's direction, the Institute expanded its fellowship, launched a successful publications program, and developed a new Washington School for congressional aides and public interest advocates.


In 1988, Borosage left the Institute to serve as senior issues advisor to the presidential campaign of the Reverend Jesse Jackson. He traveled the country with Jackson, writing speeches, framing policy responses, and providing debate preparation and assistance. He went on to advise a range of progressive political campaigns, including those of Senator Carol Moseley-Braun, Barbara Boxer and Paul Wellstone. "


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