This article focuses on strategic views about the Republic of Djibouti.

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Djibouti: the port of the hope

Djibouti: 22,000km for a natural hub, a heart of the world trade, between Africa, Asia and Europe.[i] One of the pulses of the planet: it beats with the exchanges and suffers of excesses. Though the Djiboutian state wants to give his little millions of active and skillful citizens a feeling of peace and safety. In other words law and order, or democracy and freedom: a challenge and, already, a strategic project with all the free nations in the horn of Africa, facing terror, ignorance and traffics.

The key of East Africa is not any more a scale of the colonial times -- that Djibouti left quite gently -- but a metropolis of 500,000 souls, whose growth under the control of a stable government, and a modern port, in a troubled area, where a large part of world trade circulates.

So the Djiboutian state gives itself weapons for peace. Democracy, which grows in spite of terrorism, free expression at the risk of slander and destabilization, safety for people and properties fighting violence in synergy with the expectations of international society. With, yet, tangible political effects: a recent report of the CEDEF (Committee for the elimination of the discrimination towards the women) greets the obvious political will of Djibouti to promote the gender equality[ii].

Protect the democracy: the Djiboutian challenge

Djibouti is a port and its complex energy needs stability.

Ismael Omar Guelleh (IOG), a classic statesman in the outposts of contemporary Africa, translates into modern terms a secular tradition of exchanges and contacts with Asia, Europe, and even, since the end of the 19th century, with the United States. The strength of Djibouti it is to know how to remain a credible partner of the Westerners suppliers of progress, as well as of emergent states; IOG has created and maintained the conditions of continuous transfers of technology in services, so that the port remains the pivot of economic development in the republic.

Against him, al shabaab horror and political and social obscurantism.

If the American presence remains an economic major lever, its sustainability always makes questions, mainly for budgetary reasons. IOG uses this scenario, however improbable it is, as a tool for strengthening national independence among satisfied and respectful western partners, as well as towards the Indian and Chinese[iii] appetites that appear to more than an observer as a new proof of the vitality and and reliability of the Djiboutian partner.

Who is afraid of IOG?

The most reactionary potentates of the gulf would like to change the Venice of Indian Ocean into a satellite devoted to their religious and economic aims: no matter, UN celebrates Djibouti's steps towards democracy and transparency.

And his detractors hate that: hucksters sold to obsolete monarchs, and reduced to play the sorcerer's apprentices with the most bloodthirsty terrorists of the area.

In this dialectic of transparency and slander, IOG is playing to win, on a chessboard where the values and interests of the young republic converges towards the ones of major states.

Djibouti, door of the world, door of Africa

On May 5th, 2014, Barack Obama reaffirmed to the Washington Post[iv] and New York Times the necessity "to increase the financial support, the military training, the assistance to the civilian populations and the international assistance in Djibouti, beyond the current agreements". Consequence of this policy, the rent of the Camp Lemonnier was carried from 36 to 63 million dollars, and an additional 7 million dollars' financial support was granted to help the development of the infrastructures of the country.

A good report for IOG who attempts to ground the independence of its country on safety and modernization of its economic infrastructures.

Already the port of Djibouti - the biggest and the most technologically advanced harbour terminal of the African continent developed in partnership with Dubai port Authority - allowed the opening of the Horn of Africa to world trade. He assures now the international transit of the main part of the imports for Ethiopia and his 100 millions of people.

And it works! The foreign investments stream!

October 27th, 2014, shortly after the announcement of a 1,8-billion-dollar financing granted to the area of Horn of Africa by the World Bank Group, the European Union made a commitment to support the countries of the region with 3,7 billion dollars before 2020, among which 10 % must be attributed to the development of the cross-border activities in the region.

The African Development Bank also offered its guarantee for 1,8 billion for three years[v].

Finally, the Islamic development bank plans to bring a new financing of about a billion dollars in favor of its four member countries of the Horn of Africa (Djibouti, of Somalia, Sudan and Uganda). An additional 2-billion-dollar envelope could be assigned by the Group of Coordination of the Arabic institutions of development over the period 2015-201.

Clear waters and clean hands: stop in the corruption

Since his coming to power, president Ismaïl Omar Guelleh advocated and implemented a "policy of zero tolerance towards any act of corruption". A clear line, which he reaffirmed in December, 2012, on the occasion of the national Seminary of reflection on the strengthening of the integrity and the fight against corruption, by reminding that "any corruption is perversion. The privileges, the trading of favours, the conflicts of interests or certain small favors, which can be so mild and insignificant are simply unacceptable. What means that it is necessary to admit that there is no harmless act of corruption and by it, to accept the legitimacy of the penalty."[vi]

So much for the good governance and the transparency in the management of the public money. A proof, if still needed, of the strengthening of law! IOG so sets up an ombudsman, a revenue court, and a General Inspector of the State[vii], in charge of the fight against corruption, the administrative control and the good management of public money.

The same IGE that joined and contributed to establish several African and international regional organizations dedicated to the fight against corruption. So the IGE participates in the Regional Project of the UNDP[viii] for the Integrity and the Fight against corruption in Arab countries since March 2011. On its initiative, Djibouti organized a national seminary of reflection on the strengthening of the integrity and assume the function of permanent secretary for the whole continent.

Pedagogy by the example

In Djibouti the era of sanctuaries is over. In 2008, the tax authorities focused their attention on a close friend of the power, Abdourahman Boreh: "the most influential man of Djibouti", according to diplomats and observers. Businessman, diplomat, childhood friend, cousin and adviser of the president, he is close to the heart of the state and shows a virgin reputation. The investigation, soon reveals a massive fraud against the finances of the Djiboutian state. In spite of being fantastically wealthy he snatches, in 15 years, tens of millions of uros from the finances of the republic. That he bring out of Djibouti by an elaborate tax optimization. Caught red-handed Boreh refuses to settle the situation and to honor its debts. No favour in a modern democracy: and the President will sue his relative. Boreh is now on the run.

Corruption, diversion , misappropriation of public funds

In 2008, the implication of Boreh in million dollar embezzlements of humanitarian aid in Djibouti and in Somalia is revealed by the American authorities.[ix] The same year the Djiboutian tax authorities impose a tax adjustment of two billions DJF (approximately 11 million USD) on his company Soprim. Boreh exiles himself in London, Spain and Dubai.

In a recent interview, almost unnoticed, answering to a blog accommodated by
The Hill[x], Mister Roble Olhaye, permanent representative of Djibouti in United Nations and Ambassador of Djibouti in the United States since 1988, explains how the governmental investigation reveals the huge damage, material and moral, imposed on the Djiboutian people by Abdourahman Boreh. Hardly of his position of manager for Ports and free zone of Djibouti, he sets up and pilots, between 2004 and 2008, the systematic plunder of the interests of the Djiboutian people, in collusion with the multinational Dubai ports World International. A firm among which turnover weighs two times the GDP of Djibouti ..... reports confirmed by the revenue court of Djibouti.

In Abdourahman Boreh, DPW finds the missing ally for snatching the finances of the port and make it more dependent on its powerful partner; 2 unfair agreements, in 2004 and 2006, seal the deal between Mohammed Sharaf, very shady local executive director of DP World, and Abdourahman Boreh. For Boreh, it is the jackpot! 30 % of the profits generated by the exploitation of the terminal of containers of Doraleh return to him ....... to the detriment of the state whose share is negotiated by Boreh himself. The meanest share rather, in spite of the uses in such transactions.

The banker of the blood

On November 27th, 2009, Boreh is dismissed, by decree, from the presidency of port authority and free zone of Djibouti. But his money still works for him ... with terrorists. Bloodthirsty and determined, the shabaab terrorists are lacking logistic and financial expertise. Providential Boreh is there, with his networks: information, transport and money, he can provide everything. Never for free. Now the friend of the princes of the gulf, sits down with murderers. On June 24th, 2010, recordings[xi] demonstrating his active implication and his responsibility in the instigation of two grenade attacks committed by the terrorist group Al Shabaab, are published. Boreh is condemned in absentia by the criminal court of Djibouti[xii].

What it is necessary to call the pact of corruption Boreh / DPW, transferred tens of millions of dollars, via a network of front companies. Once revealed, the agreement of 2006 with DP World becomes illegal. And no diplomatic issue. Nevertheless the international media continue to treat Djibouti like a dictatorship.

As if there was no Boreh case, as if Boreh was a victim and not a criminal.

But a rich criminal. Able to pay the expensive help of lobbyists, unable themselves to feel, how definitely Boreh is not respectable.

The words and the information of this article commit only his author.

Authors Bio:

I am an independant indvestigation journalist