This article analyses the last strategic insights about Djibouti.

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Djibouti, Republic of 22,000 square kilometers, is located at the crossroads of the busiest maritime trade routes of the world, providing the junction among Europe, the Suez Canal, the Persian Gulf, and the East. This is the key geostrategic position that places this peaceful state of less than one million inhabitants in the heart of the strategic points of free nations in the Horn of Africa, and a model of stability and democracy-building in Africa.

legend: map of the Horn of Africa

Having 17,000 inhabitants in 1947, Djibouti city has expanded to 500,000 today, representing almost 65% of the population of the state. A republic since 1977, she is working to build in the heart of one of the most troubled regions, but also one of the most active of the globe, a reliable and durable government. True heart of the development of East Africa, Djibouti has a cardinal role in the opening of the African market - hundreds of millions of people - to imports from Europe, Asia and Africa the north.

Keystone of the global fight against terrorism, Djibouti assumes a courageous position as the spearhead of the international fight against terrorism, sheltering advanced features of several western nations, despite the pressures, exposing themselves to threats and reprisals carried against the State and democracy, which his government is facing: political and media attacks and destabilization, organized and supported by hostile forces against development and democracy.

- An exceptional political stability in a troubled region.

legend: picture of the lemmonier camp

Between Salafist obscurantism and progress, Ismail Omar Guelleh has made a clear choice a long time ago; he has proven that he was not the man to repudiate 200 years of shared heritage between his country and the West - and has demonstrated on countless occasions his strong ally qualities of the free and democratic nations.

The presence of US forces and the powerful lever of development that it generates, has for Djibouti, beyond the immediate impact, major political and economic effects but which may nevertheless drag the power in a form of dependence. In this context, a redeployment of US forces although unlikely to happen could have serious consequences - this was the case following the Desert Storm and Provide Comfort operations in the 1990s - or as part of a plan for the global reorganization of the US strategic posture for budgetary reasons in particular.

Notwithstanding these considerations, served by a comprehensive and far-sighted foreign policy interests of the democratic nations in Africa, Ismail Omar Guelleh remains a skilled negotiator who, without losing sight of the competition laws in the interest of his people, resists the seduction that try to exercise on him Indian and Chinese diplomats and manufacturers.

Noisily decried on the international stage as to his democratic consistency, by businessmen and supporters of the Gulf monarchies who are also the first supporters and financiers of terrorism, the President of Djibouti lets them talk not without serenity, and invites in an imperturbable way, UN inspectors to observe the elections, which are qualified with "a perfectly satisfying transparency" in 2011.

The hypothesis of a possible withdrawal of US forces is - in addition - clearly contradicted by the increased US presence in Djibouti, and the increasing strong signs of diplomatic reconciliations are achieved between America, Europe and Djibouti.

- The heart of the development of the Horn of Africa

legend: picture of the Port of Djibouti

May 5, 2014, Barack Obama reaffirmed to the Washington Post and the New York Times the need "to increase financial aid, military training, assistance to civilians and international aid to Djibouti, beyond current arrangements". Consequence of this policy, the rent of Camp Lemonnier was increased from $ 36 to $ 63 million and an additional funding of $ 7 million was granted to promote the development of the country's infrastructure.

The port of Djibouti - the largest and most technologically advanced port terminal in Africa developed in partnership with Dubai Port Authority - allowed the opening of the Horn of Africa in worldwide trade. It provides nowadays the international transit of essential import for Ethiopia and its 100 million inhabitants.

Foreign investments don't stop flowing. October 27, 2014, shortly after the announcement of funding from $ 1.8 billion granted to the region of the Horn of Africa by the World Bank Group, the European Union is at its turn committed to supporting countries in the region to the tune of $ 3.7 billion by 2020, of which 10% are to be attributed to the development of cross-border activities in the region. The African Development Bank has, in turn, offered its guarantee for 1.8 billion spread over the next three years. Finally, the Islamic Development Bank intends to provide new funding of nearly a billion dollars for the four member countries of the Horn of Africa (Djibouti, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda). A further 2 billion could be allocated by the Arab institutions Coordination Group development over the period 2015-2017.

In terms of political will, a recent report of CEDAW (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women) to the UN has welcomed the clear political will of Djibouti to promote gender equality - among other colossal projects identified by the government.

- Djibouti, the center of the international anti-terrorism response system.

The development of radical Islamist groups is, in Ethiopia and Somalia, a source of constant instability, instability that the combined actions of the Djibouti government and US and German French troops have safeguarded and should continue to safeguard in the entire region.

The French military presence is ancient - and historical. At the moment, France has 3,300 men based in Djibouti.

The US decision to install a base of operations in Djibouti is, however, more recent. The Bush administration in the aftermath of the attacks of 11 September 2001 developed an influence strategy with the surrounding countries within the Horn, enabling increased vigilance and deterrent presence - with the establishment of an advanced base allowing the deployment of operations against terrorism. This policy reflects the fact that the Horn of Africa was the second theater of the global war led by America against terrorism since Bush.

The introduction of radical Islamist terrorism-prevention devices are also moving towards the need to secure the region - and primarily the epicenter of commercial traffic and international trade that is Djibouti - with an international lucidly infrastructure developed by the administration of President Guelleh to facilitate the use of its port facilities. Aware that "any harm to the network of aerial or terrestrial maritime communications of Djibouti could have disastrous economic effects for the entire region," under a UN report of 2 March 2003, the United States of America have established in Djibouti their main drones base and elite forces in Africa.

In October 2002, the establishment of a Task Force for the Horn, the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), based at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti, was a significant milestone in the strategic reflection on the evolution of US civil-military ways of action in the war against terrorism. The position of over 1,200 Special Forces in Djibouti, and the organization of the training of 1,500 marines to the North, allowed also to inform the countries of the region and the Persian Gulf that American power adapted its strategy and its forces in an emerging geopolitical context, to allow punctual interventions proximity and to strengthen its presence in the Horn. By the CJTF-HOA the heart of the "deterrent, preemption and destruction of terrorist threats" in the region and its surroundings, the United States have recognized and valued the role of Djibouti. In addition to the income from the military parking funded by the Pentagon ($ 36 million through 2014) are added to the budget over 20 million dollars of direct assistance to Djibouti as part of financing of USAID for the sectors of education and health, $ 7 million of humanitarian aid, and various important financial support to local civic associations of public interest. Given the importance of the continuation of diplomatic relations, former Secretary of State Colin Powell had also decided to further assistance under civilian regional programs, with the implementation of the Djibouti Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET) and the substantial assistance to improve local capacity to export by infrastructure projects. These civil-military operations and assistance during emergency situations like the ferry accident in Djibouti (2006) and during the floods in Ethiopia and Kenya (2006) in particular helped change the perception of this very visible presence of US forces in the region. In late 2005, the CJTF-HOA was composed of 1,600 people including 300 employees of the private military company Kellogg, Brown and Root who provides services throughout the Camp Lemonnier.

Economic and political stability of Djibouti makes this country, in addition to a key point in the anti-terrorist multinational action, the privileged headquarter of civil devices oriented in activities against terrorism. This is the case of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), grouping of countries in the Horn (less Eritrea suspended in 2007) which aims to promote economic cooperation and headquartered in Djibouti. Some organizations such as IGAD Conflict, Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN), established in 1992, should see their roles changed in 2003 to the coordination of information on counterterrorism. Under his coordination, like Djibouti, the other 6 countries in the Horn have introduced the first reforms to meet international expectations for the fight against porous borders and corruption: chronic scourges that affect this part of the world.

legend: picture of Al Shabaab terrorists

- Djibouti, a bold action against corruption.

Since taking office President Ismail Omar Guelleh has advocated and implemented a "zero-tolerance policy toward any act of corruption." A clear line that he hammered again in December 2012, on the occasion of the national reflection seminar on strengthening the integrity and fight against corruption, noting that "Privileges, influence peddling, conflicts of interest or certain small favours, which can seem so benign and insignificant, are simply unacceptable. In this vein, we must also acknowledge that there is no form of harmless corruption and therefore accept the legitimacy of the sanction."

Ismail Omar Guelleh has strengthened good governance and transparency in the management of public funds. He has established an Ombudsman, a Court of Auditors, and a General Inspection of the State (IGE) for the fight against corruption, and for administrative control and proper management of public funds.

This same IGE has since joined and helped creating several African regional and international organizations specialized in the fight against corruption. The Republic of Djibouti is actively involved, through the IGE, in the UNDP Regional Project for Integrity and the Fight against Corruption in the Arab States since March 2011. At the initiative of the IGE, Djibouti organized a seminal national reflection on strengthening the integrity and the fight against corruption in December 2012 and provides the seat of the Permanent Secretariat of the institution in the continent.

A fight against corruption in which President Guelleh and his administration have shown their actions above words. When in 2008 the tax administration is interested by the case of a close member to the government, Abdurahman Boreh, who is, according to diplomats and observers, the most influential man of Djibouti. Industrialist, businessman and diplomat, cousin, childhood friend and advisor to the President, who previously opposed a reputation unblemished, has been found guilty through an investigation, despite his immense wealth, of a massive fraud in detriment of finance of Djibouti state for 15 years, fraud amounting to tens of millions of euros exported of Djibouti through an organized tax evasion.

Given the refusal from Boreh to regularize the situation and to pay his tax and social debts, the Head of State in defiance of the closeness to a relative, has demonstrated its inflexibility, by initiating international prosecutions against the one who had since fled the country.

- Abdurahman Boreh, expert es corruption.

legend: picture of Abdourahman Boreh

In 2008, the involvement of Boreh in embezzlement of millions of dollars of humanitarian aid to Djibouti and Somalia is raised by exchanges of US authorities. That same year the Djibouti tax authority imposes a tax adjustment of DJF two billion (about US $ 11 million) to his Soprim society. Boreh then went into exile in London, Spain and Dubai.

In a recent interview that went almost unnoticed, in response to a blog hosted by
The Hill, Mr. Roble Olhaye, Permanent Representative of Djibouti to the United Nations and Ambassador of Djibouti to the United States since 1988, sets out how the actions and government investigations have revealed, beyond the first tax evasion, the colossal amount of material and moral damages committed against the people of Djibouti by Abdurahman Boreh. The businessman, using his position as Director of the Ports and the Free Zone Djibouti, has, between 2004 and 2008, set up an extensive system of organized looting of the interests of the people of Djibouti with the collusion of the multinational Dubai World International ports.

According to a member of the Court of Djibouti accounts, the firm of Dubai (turnover of 2.82 billion in 2009 - twice the GDP of Djibouti) was involved in a large-scale corruption system.

A corruption implemented with the active collusion of Abdurahman Boreh allowed them to negotiate a first agreement in 2004, then a second, even more treacherous, in 2006.

Born of an unlawful agreement between Mohammed Sharaf, the highly turbid Local Executive Director of DP World and Abdurahman Boreh, corruption was to ensure 30% of the profits generated by the exploitation of Doraleh container terminal at Boreh -- a share of course bigger than the one obtained by the State of Djibouti and ... negotiated by Boreh. The share of the State in the agreement was thus unlawfully reduced to a minimum, significantly less than the amounts commonly used for these types of transactions.

On 27 November 2009, Boreh was removed from the presidency of the authority of the ports and the free zones in Djibouti by decree. June 24, 2010, following the discovery of records demonstrating his active involvement and responsibility in the instigation of two grenade attacks perpetrated by the terrorist group Al Shabaab, he was sentenced in absentia by the Criminal Court of Djibouti of 15 years in prison for incitement of terrorist acts, and then appears to be also involved in several other cases of corruption.
Once it has been established with certainty that tens of millions had transited under the guise of various front companies, as part of DP World bribery agreement with Abdurahman Boreh, the termination of the 2006 agreement with DP World has become inevitable, a diplomatic settlement became impossible after the judicial authorities had been seized.

The careful observer will inevitably be struck by the gap between the reality on the one hand, and the other hand the discourse developed by the international media in Djibouti especially since the discovery of the case. A link will certainly be done with the emergence of new related zealous authors of lobby groups with their high paid and low ethics services to provide lobbying and propaganda activities. This will be the subject of a future article.

Authors Bio:
I am a College Teacher in Political Sciences in the University of Rennes in France
I like writing articles about geopolitics, and strategic relationships between Europe and Africa