In fact, Panglong Treaty was a part of Aung San-Attlee Agreement which was
signed by the British and General Aung San and his colleagues for Burmas
Independence talks on 13-27 January 1947, in England. As a result, Burma was
promised independence which did not include the Frontier Areas, as the
non-Burman States were known earlier under the British rule.
General Aung San returned to Burma to plead with the ethnic leaders to unite
for Independence. On 8 February 1947 he delivered a speech at Panglong
promising adequate protection for non-Burmans rights if they decided to join
Burma. Aung San said, Non-Burmans could struggle on their own, but no one
can predict how long it will last. But if you join hands with the Burmese,
independence at the same time is assured, according to a SHAN report in
2000.
Later on 12 February 1947, the Panglong agreement was signed between leaders of
the Frontier Areas and Aung San to unite and jointly fight for independence,
and to establish an independent union, in accordance with the principle of the
Right of Self-determination.
If General Aung San did not promise equal opportunity and self-determination,
the country might never have been founded under the title of the Union of
Burma. The Panglong agreement was aimed at setting up a federal union on the
foundation of equality and autonomy for every ethnic nationality.
However, up to date President Thein Sein governments period, the contract has
been put aside since the cabinet has been dominated by ex-generals. Besides,
Burmas 2008-Constitution contributes many problems for political parties and
ethnic cease-fire groups seeking some common inspiration between ethnic groups
and the existing governments.
To address the interconnected ethnic problems, the current government must
review the mistakes of past rulings and the political aspirations of the ethnic
communities. The root cause of the nations political disorder is the
consecutive governments antagonism to a democratic federal union. The late
dictator Ne Win, who made military coup in 1962, opposed sharing equal power in
a series of heated debates in the then legislative body.
Ne Win supported a unitary state over a genuine federal union which he said
could lead to the disintegration of the nation. Equality of ethnic minorities
with the Burmese majority was to him out of the question. When Ne Win seized
power, he demolished the 1948-Constitution. At the same time, the Pang-Long
Agreement, which promised equal opportunity and autonomy of the ethnic groups,
was broken and abrogated.
If one looks back to 1960-61, many leaders from ethnic states criticized the
weakness of the constitution as well as the governments failure to let the
representatives of ethnic states to manage their own affairs in areas of the
economy, judiciary, education, and customs and so on. The central government
ruled the ethnic areas as vassal states.
Sen-Gen Than Shwe has followed the tradition of his predecessor Ne Win and Saw
Maung, who both defended the single unitary state. All the armed forces in the
union shall be under the command of the Defense Services, says section 337 of
the 2008 constitution. It means ethnic armed troops are under state control.
Under the junta-designed 2008-Constitution, the Burmese Military takes 25
percent of all seats and also seize additional 77 percent seats using
military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in the 2010 polls
which were recognized as vote-rigging show.
In such a military dominated parliament, real ethnic representatives who are
willing to push ethnic issues forward, have no opportunity to occupy enough
seats in the military monopolized-parliament to form an effective coalition.
Without addressing and honoring the ethnic peoples demand for
self-determination, the latest parliament-based government seems unable to stop
political and civil strife throughout ethnic areas. In reality, ethnic peoples
demand of equal rights is not a new one but already mentioned in the
1947-Panglong agreement.
For example, the latest crisis in Kachin State clearly describes the immoral
practices of the incumbent President Thein Sein Government. The Government even
does not keep honesty to address the minorities issues in a fair-minded
approach. In point of fact, the government armed forces have violated the 1994
ceasefire agreement and invaded into Kachin territory. Then, the government
deployed more infantry units in Kachin land and turn down to pull out even
though constant calls from KIO and local residents.
As a result, KIO has constantly refused to accept the governments three-step
plan which says the issues have to be solved corresponding to the 2008
constitution. KIO likes better its own three-step procedure the first step
would be an agreement on the distribution of troops and their locations; the
second step would be a comprehensive discussion similar to the Panglong
Conference, which would involve all ethnic leaders and the government in order
to work out long-standing political disagreements; the third and final stage
would be to put into effect the agreement in whatsoever constitution is proper.
However, President and his government did not take into consideration of the
KIOs three-step proposal rather. In reality, all other ethnic groups are
closely watching the situation of Kachins struggle for autonomy based on
Panglong Agreement which they also believe.
However, Burmas sixty-six year-old Historic Panglong Agreement has been
disregarded by the military leaders as they did not support the Federalismsince
1962. Burma cannot gain National reconciliation without honoring ethnic
self-determination. These issues must be addressed in the current Peoples
Parliament immediately.
If the current government failed to deal with the Panglong initiative or equal
rights of ethnic minorities, its self-styled political reform will be a
meaningless optimism.