This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.com. To receive TomDispatch in your inbox three times a week, click here.
Pentagon expert William Hartung first wandered into TomDispatchin March 2008, less than seven years after this country's Global War(s) on Terror were launched, full-scale disasters that were already costing the American taxpayer a fortune and a half -- or perhaps, given the subject, all too literally an arm and a leg. As he wrote then, "How much, for instance, does one week of George Bush's wars cost? Glad you asked. If we consider the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan together -- which we might as well do, since we and our children and grandchildren will be paying for them together into the distant future -- a conservative, single-week estimate comes to $3.5 billion. Remember, that's per week! By contrast, the whole international community spends less than $400 million per year on the International Atomic Energy Agency, the primary institution for monitoring and preventing the spread of nuclear weapons; that's less than one day's worth of war costs."
Only $650 million or so of that weekly sum, he estimated, was "spent on people." So, he wondered, "where does the other nearly $3 billion go?" The answer he offered then: "It goes for goods and services, from tanks and fighter planes to fuel and food. Most of this money ends up in the hands of private companies like Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and the former Halliburton subsidiary, Kellogg, Brown and Root." And knowing about that expense of $3.5 billion a week "and counting" on America's wars, he added sarcastically, "Doesn't that make you feel safer?"
Ever since then, Hartung, a Pentagon expert, has focused on this strange reality of ours: no matter how many wars the United States loses, it only pours yet more taxpayer dollars into the Pentagon budget and into the coffers of those giant weapons-making companies of the military-industrial-congressional complex. Even the titles of a few of his pieces over the years catch the grim spirit of his all-too-striking analysis: "There's No Business Like the Arms Business, Weapons 'R' Us (But You'd Never Know It)" (July 2016); "The Urge to Splurge, Why Is It So Hard to Reduce the Pentagon Budget?" (October 2016); "The American Way of War Is a Budget-Breaker, Never Has a Society Spent More for Less" (May 2017); "Merger Mania, The Military-Industrial Complex on Steroids" (July 2019); "America Dominant Again (in Arms Sales), And Again" and Again" And Again" (May 2021); "Fueling the Warfare State, America's $1.4 Trillion 'National Security' Budget Makes Us Ever Less Safe" (July 2022); "Spending Unlimited, The Pentagon's Budget Follies Come at a High Price" (March 2024).
And of course, that's just a small dip into the pieces he's written for TomDispatch. Yet, after all these years, what couldn't be more striking today is that, in the same spirit as those older pieces, Hartung focuses (as he so often has) on a different aspect entirely of the Pentagon's distinctly over-funded world, one that, amid all the news coverage in this country, gets little or no attention: how the Pentagon, as he puts it, "goes to school" to enlist American science in the battle to create yet more horrific weaponry. And so it goes, again and again and again. Tom
The Pentagon Goes to School
The Battle for the Soul of American Science
The divestment campaigns launched last spring by students protesting Israel's mass slaughter in Gaza brought the issue of the militarization of American higher education back into the spotlight.
Of course, financial ties between the Pentagon and American universities are nothing new. As Stuart Leslie has pointed out in his seminal book on the topic, The Cold War and American Science, "In the decade following World War II, the Department of Defense (DOD) became the biggest patron of American science." Admittedly, as civilian institutions like the National Institutes of Health grew larger, the Pentagon's share of federal research and development did decline, but it still remained a source of billions of dollars in funding for university research.
And now, Pentagon-funded research is once again on the rise, driven by the DOD's recent focus on developing new technologies like weapons driven by artificial intelligence (AI). Combine that with an intensifying drive to recruit engineering graduates and the forging of partnerships between professors and weapons firms and you have a situation in which many talented technical types could spend their entire careers serving the needs of the warfare state. The only way to head off such a Brave New World would be greater public pushback against the military conquest (so to speak) of America's research and security agendas, in part through resistance by scientists and engineers whose skills are so essential to building the next generation of high-tech weaponry.
The Pentagon Goes to School
Yes, the Pentagon's funding of universities is indeed rising once again and it goes well beyond the usual suspects like MIT or Johns Hopkins University. In 2022, the most recent year for which full data is available, 14 universities received at least -- and brace yourself for this -- $100 million in Pentagon funding, from Johns Hopkins's astonishing $1.4 billion (no, that is not a typo!) to Colorado State's impressive $100 million. And here's a surprise: two of the universities with the most extensive connections to our weaponry of the future are in Texas: the University of Texas at Austin (UT-Austin) and Texas A&M.
In 2020, Texas Governor Greg Abbott and former Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy appeared onstage at a UT-Austin ceremony to commemorate the creation of a robotics lab there, part of a new partnership between the Army Futures Command and the school. "This is ground zero for us in our research for the weapons systems we're going to develop for decades to come," said McCarthy.
Not to be outdone, Texas A&M is quietly becoming the Pentagon's base for research on hypersonics -- weapons expected to travel five times the speed of sound. Equipped with a kilometer-long tunnel for testing hypersonic missiles, that school's University Consortium for Applied Hypersonics is explicitly dedicated to outpacing America's global rivals in the development of that next generation military technology. Texas A&M is also part of the team that runs the Los Alamos National Laboratory, the (in)famous New Mexico facility where the first nuclear weapons were developed and tested as part of the Manhattan Project under the direction of Robert Oppenheimer.
Other major players include Carnegie Mellon University, a center for Army research on the applications of AI, and Stanford University, which serves as a feeder to California's Silicon Valley firms of all types. That school also runs the Technology Transfer for Defense (TT4D) Program aimed at transitioning academic technologies from the lab to the marketplace and exploring the potential military applications of emerging technology products.
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