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The Persian Gulf, Not Geneva, Will Decide the Fate of the Iran-United States Memorandum

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.
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The Persian Gulf is back at war
The Persian Gulf is back at war
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History reminds us that diplomatic agreements rarely collapse at the negotiating table. More often, they unravel when political passions, military calculations, and strategic misjudgments converge in places far removed from conference rooms. Today, the future of the fragile Iran-United States Memorandum of Understanding may no longer be determined in Washington, Tehran, Geneva, or Doha. Instead, its fate appears increasingly tied to the narrow waters of the Persian Gulf, where every military incident carries consequences far beyond the immediate battlefield.

Only a short time ago, there were reasons for cautious optimism. Following the death of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, the region entered a period of national mourning. President Donald Trump publicly indicated that the United States would allow Iran time to complete the mourning ceremonies before expecting any further diplomatic engagement. Although relations between the two countries remained deeply strained, there was still hope that both governments would preserve the memorandum that had temporarily halted one of the most dangerous confrontations in recent Middle Eastern history.

Those hopes now to appear to be fading.

Reports emerging over the past several days suggest that hardline elements within Iran used the emotional atmosphere surrounding the funeral not to encourage national unity or diplomatic restraint, but to intensify anti-American rhetoric. Public insults directed at the United States and President Trump were followed by renewed attacks against commercial shipping operating near the Strait of Hormuz. The United States responded with military action, while President Trump reacted angrily, referring to those responsible as "scum" and publicly suggesting that the memorandum was effectively finished, although subsequent statements left open the possibility that diplomacy might still continue under different circumstances. Financial markets immediately responded with renewed anxiety as oil prices rose amid fears that one of the world's most vital energy corridors was once again becoming a zone of military confrontation. These developments illustrate how quickly a fragile diplomatic achievement can be overshadowed by events at sea.

Despite these alarming developments, it would be premature to conclude that the memorandum has formally collapsed. International diplomacy often survives periods of public hostility. History is filled with examples of governments exchanging threats while quietly maintaining channels of communication behind closed doors. Political leaders frequently adopt uncompromising public language for domestic audiences while simultaneously authorizing diplomats to continue negotiations. Consequently, the present crisis should not be interpreted as definitive proof that diplomacy has failed.

The more important question is whether the political environment surrounding the memorandum has fundamentally changed.

The Persian Gulf occupies a unique position in the international system. Nearly one-fifth of the world's petroleum trade passes through the Strait of Hormuz, together with a substantial portion of global liquefied natural gas exports. Every disruption to maritime traffic affects energy prices, insurance costs, shipping schedules, and financial markets around the globe. A missile fired toward a commercial tanker is therefore never merely a tactical military action; it is an event with worldwide economic and political consequences. The Gulf functions not only as a strategic waterway but also as one of the principal arteries of the global economy.

The original purpose of the Iran-United States Memorandum was never to eliminate decades of ideological hostility between the two governments. Such an objective would have been unrealistic. Rather, the agreement sought to establish a framework within which military escalation could be contained while providing sufficient political space for gradual diplomatic engagement. Its success depended not upon friendship, but upon restraint. That distinction is now becoming increasingly significant.

The greatest threat to the memorandum may not originate from military capabilities alone but from political incentives within both countries. In Iran, hardline factions have historically viewed reconciliation with the United States as a challenge to their revolutionary legitimacy. Political systems built upon resistance often find prolonged periods of stability difficult to justify to their own supporters. Renewed confrontation can therefore strengthen ideological narratives that portray compromise as weakness and perpetual conflict as a patriotic obligation.

A similar dynamic operates within the United States. No American president can easily ignore attacks on international shipping or threats to freedom of navigation in one of the world's most strategically important waterways. Domestic political pressures, alliance commitments, military credibility, and economic stability all encourage visible responses to acts of aggression. Every attack on commercial shipping narrows the political space available for diplomatic patience, making restraint increasingly difficult to defend before domestic audiences.

This convergence of political incentives creates a dangerous symmetry. Neither government may genuinely desire another prolonged military confrontation, yet influential political actors within both systems can derive short-term domestic advantages from escalating tensions. Under such conditions, diplomacy becomes politically expensive precisely when it is strategically most necessary.

The present crisis therefore represents more than another episode in the long history of hostility between Iran and the United States. It illustrates a broader principle of international relations: peace agreements often fail not because moderate leaders abandon negotiation, but because extremists successfully redefine compromise as surrender. Every missile launched, every tanker threatened, every public insult exchanged between political leaders, and every retaliatory military operation increases the domestic political cost of moderation while strengthening those who argue that negotiation was always an illusion.

From the perspective of strategic psychology, the Persian Gulf has become more than a geographical location. It has become a symbolic arena in which both governments continuously interpret the intentions of the other. Actions undertaken for defensive purposes are perceived as offensive preparations. Military deterrence is interpreted as aggression. Political caution is portrayed as weakness. The result is a classic security dilemma in which each side's attempt to increase its own security unintentionally reduces the security of the other, producing a self-reinforcing cycle of escalation that neither originally intended.

Ironically, the future of the memorandum may no longer rest primarily in the hands of diplomats. Its survival may depend instead upon naval commanders exercising restraint during moments of uncertainty, commercial shipping companies maintaining confidence in international navigation, energy markets resisting panic, and political leaders demonstrating sufficient courage to withstand domestic demands for immediate retaliation. Preserving peace has always required greater political discipline than preparing for war.

Whether the recent events mark the beginning of the end of the Iran-United States Memorandum remains uncertain. Diplomatic history teaches that agreements frequently survive crises that initially appear fatal. Nevertheless, the present moment has revealed an uncomfortable reality. The memorandum can no longer be evaluated solely by what negotiators say around conference tables. Its durability will ultimately be measured by what occurs in the Persian Gulf itself.

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D. Social Media Pages: Facebook Page       Twitter page url on login Profile not filled in       Linkedin page url on login Profile not filled in       Instagram Page

I was born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States in 1976 to study psychology. Over time, America became my home, and I later became a U.S. citizen. My professional career has centered on clinical neuropsychology, particularly (more...)
 
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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Trump Just Doesn't Get It: Why Misreading Iran's Political Culture Could Destroy Diplomacy

One of the central problems in the current crisis is that President Donald Trump appears to misunderstand how political decisions are made inside the Islamic Republic. His negotiating style relies on speed, public pressure, deadlines, and immediate responses. That approach may work in business or in highly centralized governments. Iran is different.

The Islamic Republic is not a system where one leader simply gives an order and everyone follows. Power is distributed among the Supreme Leader, the presidency, parliament, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the judiciary, senior clerics, and competing political factions. These institutions cooperate, compete, and negotiate simultaneously. During leadership transitions, those internal rivalries become even more pronounced.

The death of Iran's Supreme Leader created one of the most delicate moments in the history of the Islamic Republic. Such a transition is not merely the loss of a head of state. It is a constitutional, religious, and symbolic event that inevitably produces uncertainty and competition among powerful institutions. During such periods, hardliners often intensify revolutionary rhetoric, while more pragmatic figures become cautious until a new political balance emerges.

For that reason, inflammatory anti-American statements during the mourning period should not automatically be interpreted as proof that diplomacy has collapsed. Much of this rhetoric is directed toward domestic audiences as political factions compete for revolutionary legitimacy. Western observers often mistake this internal political theater for Iran's final strategic position.

Trump responded quickly with harsh public language and questioned whether negotiations remained worthwhile. That reaction reflected a broader characteristic of his leadership style: rapid shifts between optimism and confrontation. Throughout his political career, he has frequently alternated between praising negotiations and issuing severe public threats. Such unpredictability weakens diplomatic credibility because foreign governments become uncertain whether American warnings, promises, or deadlines represent lasting policy.

The Middle East operates according to political rhythms that differ significantly from Washington's. National mourning, religious symbolism, historical memory, and factional bargaining all shape decision-making. Patience during political transitions is not weakness; it recognizes that important decisions often emerge only after internal competition subsides.

None of this excuses Iranian threats, attacks on commercial shipping, or anti-American rhetoric. Those actions deserve criticism. But successful diplomacy requires understanding an adversary as it actually exists rather than as one wishes it existed. Durable agreements are rarely built on emotional exchanges or constantly changing public messages. They depend upon strategic patience, credibility, and a realistic understanding of political institutions.

If the current memorandum ultimately fails, responsibility will likely be shared. Both Washington and Tehran have allowed domestic politics and inflammatory rhetoric to narrow the space for compromise. History rarely rewards leaders who speak the loudest or reverse course most often. More often, it rewards those whose policies remain credible, whose commitments remain consistent, and whose understanding of their adversaries is deep enough to recognize that patience is sometimes the strongest expression of power.

References
  1. Council on Foreign Relations. After Khamenei: Planning for Iran's Leadership Transition (2026).
  2. Reuters. Trump says interim accord to end war is "over" after Iranian strikes (July 8, 2026).
  3. Associated Press. Trump says U.S. is preparing for more strikes against Iran (July 8, 2026).
  4. International Crisis Group. Iran: Managing Internal Power Transitions and Regional Escalation.
  5. Suzanne Maloney, Brookings Institution. Iran Reconsidered: Leadership, Institutions, and Political Change (2025-2026).

Submitted on Wednesday, Jul 8, 2026 at 10:28:37 AM

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