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By *Jonathan Marshall
If Congress derails the hard-won "P+5" nuclear deal with Iran, much blame will fall to powerful New York Sen. Charles Schumer, the first Senate Democrat to join the partisan Republican congressional majority in opposing President Obama's landmark foreign policy achievement.
Schumer's insistence on maintaining economic sanctions against Iran supports the undisguised neoconservative agenda of regime change in Iran. Critics of Schumer's position have demonstrated that his arguments against the deal are disingenuous and misleading. So were his arguments for regime change in Iraq, starting with his bogus claim that Saddam Hussein's "vigorous pursuit of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons" made him a "terrible danger to the people to the United States."
In 1990, Israeli officials and their American allies confronted a potential crisis: a thaw was developing in U.S.-Syrian relations under President George H. W. Bush. That spring, Damascus won Washington's gratitude by obtaining the release of two American hostages held in Lebanon. Later, Syria earned major credit as one of three Arab nations to commit troops to the multinational coalition in the first Gulf War. In November 1991, following the coalition victory, Syria attended a U.S.-sponsored Middle East peace forum in Madrid and announced its willingness to negotiate a settlement with Israel.
Washington rewarded Assad by granting him a meeting with President Bush, the first between the two countries' heads of state in 13 years. Syria continued its diplomatic offensive by releasing thousands of political prisoners and providing exit permits to Syrian Jews wishing to emigrate to Israel.
Israel and its close allies -- including Schumer -- fought back by trying to implicate Syria in one of the most emotionally loaded issues of the day: drug trafficking. As one American official observed at the time, "It is in the Israelis' interest to spin the drugs claim in order to keep Syria on the U.S. State Department list of countries involved in drug trafficking."
As I describe in my book The Lebanese Connection: Corruption, Civil War and the International Drug Traffic, no one questioned the fact that large amounts of drugs were cultivated in and shipped out of Syrian-occupied lands in Lebanon in the 1980s. At the time, during the height of the Lebanese civil war, Syrian troops occupied a section of Lebanon that included the fertile Beka'a Valley, a region long notorious for growing cannabis and opium poppies. Syria had been invited into Lebanon in 1976 by a Christian-led government to help maintain peace on terms favorable to the country's Christian population.
The Reagan administration invoked a section of the Foreign Assistance Act to bar aid to Syria on grounds that it failed to cooperate fully with the United States in the war on drugs. But after President George H. W. Bush took office, State Department and Drug Enforcement Administration officials stated that they had no evidence that Syrian forces were running drugs as a matter of state policy, although some individual commanders were corrupt.
Their agnosticism riled Israeli officials and their U.S. allies. In 1990, the American adviser to the Israeli mission at the United Nations, writing in The Washington Post, lamented that "Washington ignores Syrian complicity in the drug trade," which he claimed was being directed by "the inner circle of Syria's government." Later, pro-Israeli sources such as the controversial "terrorism expert" Steven Emerson and Michael Widlanski, who would become a "strategic affairs adviser" to the Israeli Ministry of Public Security, launched a major publicity campaign to implicate Syria's regime in drug trafficking.
The same campaign included an undocumented but searing public indictment of Syria issued in December 1992 at the request of Rep. Charles Schumer by the Democratic staff of the House Subcommittee on Crime and Criminal Justice, which he chaired. The report, which was not endorsed by the full committee, had a partisan as well as an anti-Syria slant, as suggested by its title: "Syria, President Bush, and Drugs: The Administration's Next Iraqgate."
Schumer's political indictment declared that the Bush administration "simply refuses to admit the extent to which drug corruption has been institutionalized in the Syrian military forces now occupying Lebanon." Without specific evidence, it claimed that the Syrian government and military were collecting upward of a billion dollars a year "from those who seek to peddle their poison in the United States."
Based on Syria's "continued support of terrorist groups based in Lebanon," its "repeated attempts to acquire weapons of mass destruction" and "its persistent involvement with known drug traffickers," the report insisted that "Syria has the capacity to become as great a threat to American interests in the Middle East as Saddam Hussein's Iraq ever was."
It added, with a nod to the Bush administration's invasion of Panama to oust the Noriega regime in late 1989, "The Justice Department must prosecute not only 'corrupt, crooked and rotten cops' from Panama, but also the unscrupulous Syrian generals who conspire to put dope on American streets."
Such inflammatory language foreshadowed Schumer's rhetoric about Saddam's "weapons of mass destruction" to justify the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The charge of Syrian military complicity had at least some substance, in that some commanders undoubtedly had unclean hands. But more credible authorities than Schumer pointed out that Syria actually had limited control over the portions of Lebanon that it occupied and thus had chosen not to provoke further armed conflict by cracking down on heavily armed drug clans. In much the same way, NATO forces in Afghanistan consciously decided not to eradicate opium fields for fear of driving peasants into the arms of the Taliban.
As President Assad himself told an interviewer in 1993, "our real fear was for our soldiers, who live among the people in Lebanon where drugs have for a very long time been a source of income." In the Beka'a Valley, he said, Syria had intervened "to solve a political problem and end the civil war," not to "chase smugglers." Nonetheless, he maintained, Syria was helping Lebanon to eradicate drugs, though "of course smuggling is something which continues."