From a Wired "Danger Room" article a year ago, on Feb 1, 2010:
The Defense Department just released its king-sized, $708 billion budget for the next fiscal year. Much of the proposed spending is fairly detailed -- noting exactly how many helicopters the Pentagon plans to buy and how many troops it plans on playing. But about $56 billion goes simply to "classified programs," or to projects known only by their code names, like "Chalk Eagle" and "Link Plumeria." That's the Pentagon's black budget. (source)
In other words, for Fiscal 2010, the military was allotted some $56,000,000,000 dollars for programs that would also include the worst of these secretive agendas, Black Ops, black as in criminal, secret, unethical, dangerous or sinister, illegal, beyond the pale, murderous, and on and on semantically. And what might some of these Black Ops manifest as? We can certainly make some educated guesses. Moreover, this huge sum of financial support didn't just spring into being in 2010. "Classified programs" have been handsomely funded for years, so we must ask, what havoc might Black Ops programs have already wrought in the past?
February 17, 2011 Wayne Madsen Report: Details of U.S. false flag attacks in Iraq revealed
WMR has been informed by a strictly anonymous source that many of the "terrorist" attacks in Iraq that have been blamed on "Al Qaeda" and its allies were, in fact, carried out by CIA-supported Sunni cells. US Special Forces teams seconded to the CIA units provided protection to the Sunni cells as they carried out their terror missions.
In other cases, a remotely-controlled car bomb would prematurely detonate, requiring the CIA-Special Forces units to cleanup the evidence and chalk the terrorist event off as a "suicide bomb." The media would be fed press releases that "confirmed" the bombing as a suicide attack. Our source worked with two different Sunni terrorist cells in Iraq.
On June 24, 2009, WMR reported: "WMR has learned from an intelligence source who served in 2007 at the Tallil Air Base in Iraq, also known as Camp Adder by the U.S. Army and Ali Air Base by the U.S. Air Force, that United States intelligence services imported Afghan mercenaries into Iraq in order to attack Iraqi civilians and military personnel, as well as coalition forces, including U.S. service personnel. The Afghans were recruited from Taliban ranks and were paid for their services in Iraq. WMR has learned that during 2007, Iraqi police stopped a truck hauling a 40-foot trailer on the Kerrada Bridge in Baghdad. When the Iraqi police officers checked the truck's trailer they were amazed to discover between 30 and 40 Afghan Taliban. They said they were brought into Iraq by the United States and were tasked with stirring up trouble in Iraq., much of it ascribed by U.S. military commanders as the work of the dubiously-named Tanzim Qaidat al-Jihad fi Bilad al-Rafidayn (Organization of Jihad's Base in the Country of the Two Rivers) or, more commonly known as 'Al Qaeda of Mesopotamia.'"
The case of Raymond Davis, the so-called U.S. diplomat arrested in Lahore, Pakistan after shooting two Pakistani men, indicates that the CIA is carrying out similar false flag terrorist attacks in that country. Pakistani police recovered from Davis's car a pistol, facial make-up, ATM cards from five different banks, a Global Positioning System device, a telescope, two mobile telephones, maps, a wireless radio, a passport, photos of different possible target locations in Multan, Sargodha, and Lahore. Concerned that Davis may spill the beans to Pakistan about CIA false flag terrorist attacks in Pakistan, the Obama administration is demanding Davis's immediate release and repatriation to the United States, citing the CIA officer's diplomatic immunity. The Davis case has opened a wide rift in U.S.-Pakistani relations.
On September 13, 2010, WMR reported: "WMR has learned from a deep background source that Xe Services, the company formerly known as Blackwater, has been conducting false flag terrorist attacks in Pakistan that are later blamed on the entity called 'Pakistani Taliban.' . . . it is Xe cells operating in Karachi, Peshawar, Islamabad, and other cities and towns that have, according to our source who witnessed the U.S.-led false flag terrorist operations in Pakistan. Bombings of civilians is the favored false flag event for the Xe team and are being carried out under the orders of the CIA. However, the source is now under threat from the FBI and CIA for revealing the nature of the false flag operations in Pakistan. If the source does not agree to cooperate with the CIA and FBI, with an offer of a salary, the threat of false criminal charges being brought for aiding and abetting terrorism looms over the source . . . Responsibility for the recent bomb attack of a pro-Palestine Shi'a rally in Quetta that killed 54 people was claimed by the Pakistan Taliban, but it was actually carried out by one of the Xe covert cells in the country, acting in concert with the CIA, Israeli Mossad, and Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). The ultimate goal is to destabilize Pakistan to the point where it has no choice but to allow the Western powers to secure its nuclear weapons and remove them from the country. . ."
The CIA's running of false flag terrorist operations may not be confined to Iraq, Pakistan, and other Muslim countries. Last week, Argentinean officials seized an undeclared cargo of weapons and espionage equipment on a US Air Force C-17 transport plane at Buenos Aires' Ezeiza International Airport. The cargo originated with the 7th US Army Airborne Brigade at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. The cargo also consisted of brochures with the following statement in fifteen languages, including Spanish: "I am a United States soldier. Please report to my embassy I have been arrested by the country." Also in the military cache was communications interception equipment, encryption gear, GPS devices, high-powered sniper rifles, machine guns, and expired drugs, including stimulants and morphine . The Argentine Foreign Ministry filed a strong protest with the U.S. government.
An indication of the seriousness of the U.S. covert operation was the presence at Ezeiza airport of Argentine Foreign Minister Hector Timerman, who personally supervised the confiscation of the weapons and spy equipment cache.
Caught with its pants down once again, the Obama administration's top man on Latin American policy, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela, a noted gusano supporter, called on Buenos Aires to return the military and espionage cargo "without delay." The demand was echoed by State Department spokesman P J Crowley, the CIA's public relations "embed" in Hillary Clinton's top advisory group. It is significant that President Obama is avoiding Argentina on his upcoming trip to Latin America.