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Andreas Umland, CertTransl (Leipzig), MA (Stanford), MPhil (Oxford), DipPolSci, DrPhil (FU Berlin), PhD (Cambridge).
Visiting fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution in 1997-99, and Harvard's Weatherhead Center in 2001-02. Bosch visiting lecturer at The Urals State University of Yekaterinburg in 1999-2001, and the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy in 2003/2005. In January-December 2004, Temporary Lecturer in Russian and East European studies at St. Antony's College Oxford. In 2005-2008, DAAD Lecturer at the Shevchenko University of Kyiv. In 2008-2010, Research Fellow at the Institute for Central and East European Studies at Eichstaett, Bavaria. Since 2010, DAAD Senior Lecturer at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.
General Editor of the book series "Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society" (http://www.ibidem-verlag.de/spps.html), Co-Editor of the Russian webjournal "Forum for the Contemporary History and Ideas of Eastern Europe" (http://www1.ku-eichstaett.de/ZIMOS/forumruss.html), administrator of the web archive and mailing list "Russian Nationalism" (http://groups.yahoo.com/group/russian_nationalism/).
(1 comments) SHARE Saturday, August 17, 2013 New Extremely Right-Wing Intellectual Circles in Russia
This article examines some of the new, extremely anti-Western intellectual circles that have emerged during the past two years in Russia. In the face of the new polarization between pro- and anti-Putin forces, the authoritarian regime and its propagandists are closing ranks with certain extremely right-wing literati.
(3 comments) SHARE Thursday, April 19, 2012 Russia's Spreading Nationalist Infection
While the recent upsurge of democratic sentiments in Russia gives reasons for hope, it may also intensify the already apparent rapprochement between Russia 's systemic and anti-systemic radically nationalist forces.
(7 comments) SHARE Saturday, May 3, 2008 Was Stalinism Nationalistic? A Review Article
Brandenberger's claim that Stalinist russocentrism was not truly nationalistic appears is less self-evident if seen in comparative light. There have been many international varieties of Marxism that altered themselves into various forms of populist nationalism, sometimes into ultra-nationalism.
SHARE Thursday, December 23, 2010 Russia 2010: Nationalism's Revenge
Since coming to power in 1999, Vladimir Putin has purposefully instrumentalized Russian imperial nostalgia, national pride and ethnocentric thinking for the legitimization of his authoritarian regime. The repercussions of this strategy are becoming a threat to the integrity of the Russian state, in the 21st century
(2 comments) SHARE Sunday, August 23, 2009 Democratic Ukraine, Autocratic Russia: Why?
As long as Russia and other post-Soviet republics will keep a national mythology that pays little attention to proto-democratic beginnings in their history, they will remain trapped in their authoritarian traditions. Ukraine provides an example of how a country can break with an unusable past, and create a pluralistic polity drawing on appropriate (if, sometimes, idealized) precedents in its national history.
SHARE Wednesday, June 11, 2008 "Neo-Eurasianism," the Issue of Russian Fascism, and Post-Soviet Political Discourse
The example of Alexander Dugin illustrates that, as a result of an idiosyncratic conception of generic fascism in post-Soviet Russia, it is sufficient to rhetorically dissociate oneself from the worst crimes of Nazi Germany and to refrain from blatantly copying Nazi symbols in order to avoid public stigmatization as a fascist."
Previously published in "Global Politician," 7 June 2008.
(4 comments) SHARE Saturday, April 26, 2008 Moscow's New Chief Ideologist: Ivan Demidov
The Head of Ideology of Putin's United Russia party has professed to be under the influence of a particularly extreme brand of Russian imperialism known under the label of "neo-Eurasianism."
SHARE Thursday, November 19, 2009 Understanding the Orange Revolution: Ukraine's Democratization in the Russian Mirror
On November 21st, 2009, Ukrainian democrats will be celebrating the fifth anniversary of the start of demonstrations in Kyiv which led to larger political developments that came to reshape our understanding of post-Soviet politics. During the last five years, the 2004 events in Ukraine known as the Orange Revolution have become important reference points in the international study of democratic transition and consolidation.
(4 comments) SHARE Wednesday, May 27, 2009 Fascist Tendencies in Russia's Political Establishment: The Rise of the International Eurasian Movement
Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent advocate of fascist and anti-Western views, has risen from a fringe ideologue to penetrate into Russian governmental offices, mass media, civil society and academia. Prominent members of Russian society are affiliated with his International Eurasian Movement. If Dugin's views become more widely accepted, a new Cold War will be the least that we should expect from Russia during the coming years.
SHARE Thursday, April 3, 2008 The Pseudo-Issue of Ukraine's NATO Membership
Before leaving office, outgoing US President George W. Bush, Jr. intends to bequeath to his successor and the world yet another headache. As if the Iraq debacle, misconceived "War on Terror," risky recognition of Kosovo, and other doubtful actions were not enough, the US wants to quickly bring Ukraine into NATO. Published in the Ukrainian weekly "Kyiv Post" on April 3rd, 2008, www.kyivpost.com
(1 comments) SHARE Thursday, April 8, 2010 European Confusion in Kyiv
Western observers and visitors should understand that, for many Ukrainian politicians, the main political question is still not what is legitimate, but what is doable and whether they can get away with it.
(1 comments) SHARE Friday, May 2, 2008 Gorbachev Number Two: Dmitry Medvedev
Should the Russian presidential administration retain its prerogatives, and come under the lasting, full control of Medvedev, the Kremlin will become a focal point of pro-democratic tendencies in Moscow. This development could lead to a situation reminiscent of an earlier period of transition that gained fame under its Russian name "perestroika."
(2 comments) SHARE Thursday, May 7, 2009 Will There Be a Second Crimean War?
In a worst case scenario, an escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian quarrel around the famous Black Sea peninsula destabilizes European security
(2 comments) SHARE Monday, December 22, 2008 Ukraine's Window of Opportunity
In order to become a more stable and effective democracy, Ukraine should transform sooner rather than later into a parliamentary republic.
(3 comments) SHARE Saturday, April 19, 2008 Ukraine & NATO: German deferment vote based on reality, not Russian bias
Contemporary Germany's stand on Ukrainian participation in NATO's Membership Action Plan is less related to any particular pro-Russian sentiment. Instead, it is driven by another, more rational assessment of the implications that a Ukrainian MAP participation, at this moment, would have. First published (with some mistakes) in "Kyiv Post," April 17th, 2008, www.kyivpost.com.
(2 comments) SHARE Monday, June 13, 2011 EU and NATO Policies in Eastern Europe: Contradictory or Complementary?
Russia, quite simply, needs to become a law-based democracy. Oddly, she has the necessary institution already in place. The "only" thing that needs to be done is to implement what Russia's own constitutional provisions, her relevant laws, and her ratified international treaties have been explicitly prescribing, for years by now.
(7 comments) SHARE Monday, April 28, 2008 Post-Soviet Nationalism and Russia's Future
If one extrapolates Russia's development during the last eight years into the future, we will not only witness a second Cold War. The Russian Federation might become something like a new apartheid state where foreigners and non-Slavic citizens are treated separately from white citizens of Russia by governmental and non-governmental institutions.
SHARE Sunday, April 13, 2008 The Paranoia Card: A Comment on Tsygankov's "The Russophobia Card"
In the unlikely case that Russia becomes a truly democratic country, much of what Andrei Tsygankov laments in his article would simply disappear. A response to an article published in "The Moscow Times," April 3, 2008, p. 8, www.moscowtimes.ru, and "OpEdNews," April 3, 2008, www.opednews.com.
(1 comments) SHARE Friday, January 16, 2009 Pipelines, Checks, and Balances: Is the EU Becoming an Instrument of Moscow's Neo-Colonialism?
It appears that in the near future, the European Union monitors will systematically observe the flow of Russian gas to Europe at the Russian-Ukrainian border. Thus, the EU seems to be helping to ease the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation. Or is it? Instead of alleviating the tension, the presence of neutral observers may open a new Pandora's Box in the Russian-Ukrainian power struggle.
SHARE Monday, March 29, 2010 Does Yanukovich's Coalition Government Have a Popular Mandate?
As a critical part of the people's deputies do not any longer fulfill their popular mandate, the 2007 parliamentary elections have lost much of their initial political meaning. When elections are inconsequential for the distribution of power in the state, that state is not any longer a democracy.
(1 comments) SHARE Thursday, July 26, 2012 Do Russians Love Their Children Too?
A homophobia campaign linking gays to child molesters as well as a series of "paedophilia" defamations relativize the abuse of minors in Russia