John McKay, the former US attorney for the Western District of Washington, pieced together thousands of pages of internal Justice Department (DOJ) emails released earlier this year, reviewed public documents and pored through hundreds of pages of sworn testimony his former boss, Alberto Gonzales, gave to Congress about the firings of at least nine US attorneys last year.
McKay said evidence in the public record demonstrates the former attorney general and his underlings may well have obstructed justice.
McKay was one of the nine US attorneys fired in December 2006 for reasons that appear to be politically motivated. The DOJ's inspector general, Glenn Fine, is conducting an investigation to determine whether Gonzales perjured himself before Congress or sought to influence the testimony of Monica Goodling, the DOJ's former White House liaison who used a political litmus test to hire and fire attorneys, and resigned in disgrace earlier this year. McKay said that a special prosecutor should be appointed to further probe the circumstances behind the US attorney firings if the inspector general's report determines federal laws may have been broken.
In an upcoming issue of the Seattle University Law Review, Mckay said the firing of at least two US attorneys, David Iglesias of New Mexico, and Carol Lam of San Diego, appears to demonstrate Gonzales and top DOJ officials may have obstructed justice by interfering with public corruption cases and ongoing criminal investigations Iglesias and Lam had been involved in at the time of their dismissals.
At the conference, a resolution was passed that includes nine bullet points, one of which says "a United States attorney should never be asked to resign or be terminated because a Senator, Representative or other elected official has complained to the Department of Justice or White House regarding the US attorney's refusal to bring charges."
The resolution has been sent to newly appointed Attorney General Michael Mukasey. McKay's Law Review article calls for similar resolutions. He recommends Mukasey should "move immediately to ... take steps to prevent the abuses of his predecessor," including, "limiting the points of contact between the Justice Department and the White House; eliminating all but specially designated Congressional liaisons."
Iglesias said former DOJ official Mike Battle, who played a role in the firings to the extent he personally contacted the US attorneys to fire them, attended the conference as well. Iglesias said Battle told him he had nothing to do with selecting the US attorneys for dismissal. He was simply the messenger.
"I believe he was being honest," Iglesias said.
In his Law Review article, and at the conference, McKay singled out Iglesias's firing saying it could result in "criminal charges" against Gonzales and other former senior DOJ officials "for impeding justice."
"The elements of a prima facie case of obstruction of justice are: (1) the existence of the judicial proceeding; (2) knowledge of or notice of the judicial proceeding; (3) acting 'corruptly' with intent to influence, obstruct or impede the proceeding in the due administration of justice; and (4) a nexus (although not necessarily one which is material) between the judicial proceeding sought to be corruptly influenced and the defendant's efforts," McKay writes in a 34-page article, which is still in draft form and expected to be published in January. "The [federal] omnibus clause is a 'catchall' provision, which is broadly construed to include a wide variety of corrupt methods."
In testimony before Congress earlier this year, Iglesias said that a few weeks before the 2006 midterm elections he received telephone calls from New Mexico's Republican Senator, Pete Domenici, and the state's Republican Congresswoman, Heather Wilson, inquiring about the timing of an indictment against a popular Democratic official in the state who was the target of a corruption investigation. Iglesias told Domenici and Wilson he could not discuss the issue of indictments with them. A couple of weeks later, Iglesias's name was added to a list of US attorneys selected for termination.
"Gonzales has even admitted that one of the reasons that Iglesias was fired was because Senator Domenici had "lost confidence" in Iglesias," McKay writes. "While these allegations are troubling under any analysis, a thorough and independent investigation is necessary to determine whether criminal laws have been violated. Among the considerations facing the inspector general is whether the actions of former Attorney General Gonzales constituted obstruction of justice by removing Iglesias. That [Gonzales] had knowledge of the high profile public corruption case being investigated by Iglesias in New Mexico is virtually certain, given that [Gonzales] has admitted speaking to Domenici and would almost certainly be expected to have such knowledge as the leader of the Justice Department. Under the broad language of [the federal statute regarding obstruction of justice], it would be hard to imagine that 'corruptly influence' would not extend to firing of the United States attorney in the middle of a public corruption case because he 'lost confidence' of a senator who sought to manipulate the indictments for crass political advantage."
McKay said that the firing of Lam, the former US attorney for the Southern District of California, is just as troubling because it took place while Lam was "supervising the highest profile public corruption prosecution in America," Randy "Duke" Cunningham, the Republican congressman from San Diego.