Obama and Abbas; Memorial service of the late former President Nelson Mandela, 10 Dec 2013
(Image by GovernmentZA) Details DMCA
Washington's response to the speech that Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas delivered at the UN General Assembly last September 26
confirms that the bilateral Palestinian-U.S. relations are heading for stormy
The U.S., which opposed Abbas' plan to seek a UN Security Council resolution to end the Israeli occupation within a defined timeframe, not only cautioned him against proceeding with any such plan but also issued an official statement condemning the language he used to express the Palestinian people's opposition to the continued occupation and the ongoing war crimes that Israel is perpetrating in the territories it occupied in 1967.
"Abbas' speech today included offensive characterizations that were deeply disappointing and which we reject," U.S. State Department Spokeswoman Jen Psaki said in a statement on last September 27, which criticised Abbas' speech as "provocative," "counterproductive" and undermines "efforts to create a positive atmosphere and restore trust between the parties."
Clearly, Abbas bent before the onslaught of the winds of American rejection. He "submitted" his plan to the General Assembly but he did not ask to bring it to a vote in order to secure an international resolution that would strengthen his hand when he submitted it to the Security Council. It is also noteworthy that while he called for a deadline to end the occupation he omitted the three-year timeframe that he had previously stipulated.
There is no serious Palestinian opposition to Abbas' plan to internationalise the search for a political solution to the Palestinian struggle to end the occupation of Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza. It would be extremely difficult to come up with a Palestinian who would argue against replacing US sponsorship with UN sponsorship of the process of reaching a negotiated settlement with the Israeli occupying power. Indeed, this direction is supported by a near unanimity of Palestinian opinion, including among resistance factions that have given Abbas a chance to put his strategy to a last test without obstructing his manoeuvrability.
But Abbas' plan signifies that he has thrown in the towel on his reliance on U.S. sponsorship, which in turn means confrontation with Washington. Clearly, he will not succeed in neutralising the U.S. by merely bowing before its opposition to his plan or by asking for U.S. approval. Certainly, he should not hold out any hope that Washington will not use its veto to defeat his proposed resolution in the UN Security Council. Nor will he placate the U.S. by deferring Palestinian applications to join international treaties and organisations, such as the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice.
All the indications are that the U.S. will campaign against the Abbas plan and continue to insist on brokering a solution that it has been unable to produce during the more than two decades in which it monopolised the sponsoring the negotiating process with the Israeli occupying power.
On September 23, 88 US senators signed a letter urging U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry to take prevent "negative developments at the UN General Assembly, UN Human Rights Council, and the International Criminal Court that could derail any prospects for the resumption of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians."