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Dealing With the Bosnian Conundrum

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Republished from Strategic Culture Foundation

Republika Srpska
Republika Srpska
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The stage is being set in the Republic of Srpska for what in Texas they call a double whammy.

There is a Serbian saying that when an idle priest can think of nothing better to do he entertains himself by baptising goats. Bosnia's High Representative Valentin Inzko apparently finds himself in a similarly absurd position. Oblivious to the Great Reset issues gripping the world around him and even of the dire condition of his own Bosnian raj, Inzko was busy over the last couple of days composing a letter to Nedeljko Ä'ubriloviÄ", speaker of parliament in the Republic of Srpska, Bosnia's Serb-run entity. Inzko's message conveyed the preposterous demand that the parliament strip former Republic of Srpska officials, Radovan Karad... iÄ , Biljana Plav... iÄ", and MomÄ ilo Kraji... nik of their medals and awards on the ground that they are "war criminals," duly condemned as such by the Hague Tribunal.

To make sure that everyone grasped the seriousness of the demand he was making, Inzko gave the parliamentarians three months, until the end of April, to comply. The awards and honorable mentions for the condemned individuals had been voted by the parliament of the Republic of Srpska in October 2016, for their signal contribution to the entity's establishment during the 1990s, a reality that is historically incontrovertible.

Inzko is, of course, cheerfully oblivious of the fact that the people of the Republic of Srpska, about a million of them, do not give a hoot for the judgments of the Hague Tribunal, which they despise. Naturally, they have their own criteria for assigning merit to their country's historical figures whom they deem worthy of such recognition.

Inzko's seemingly petty ultimatum to Serbian parliamentarians is actually part of a broader game plan for destabilizing and undermining the Republic of Srpska, Russia's steadfast ally in the Balkans. Crude attempts over the last couple of years to ignite street disorders by following the Gene Sharp color revolution playbook had failed miserably because the coup leadership selected by Western special services was abysmally incompetent and the public were properly enlightened to see through the entire scheme. Now a new, subtler approach is being taken. A Navalny wannabe, trained "anti-corruption" demagogue, has managed to con citizens of Banja Luka, the country's capital, to elect him mayor and he is using his bully pulpit to the hilt to enact a sophisticated political performance. As for Inzko, he is working from the same script in coordination with the fifth column to intimidate and humiliate the country's institutions and leadership.

With Inzko's threat to use the High Representative's fictitious "Bonn Powers" to impose a Srebrenica "genocide denial" law in the background, the current campaign actually started some months ago when he demanded that a student dormitory in the war-time capital of Pale, named after Republic of Srpska's first president, Radovan Karad... iÄ", be renamed for all the obvious reasons. After weeks of defiant refusal, the government foolishly rolled over and finally agreed to Inzko's demand, just to keep the peace, presumably. Never lacking in a sense of humor, university students informally renamed their facility after "Dr. Dragan DabiÄ"," which was Dr Karad... iÄ"'s nom de guerre while hiding in plain sight in Belgrade from Hague Tribunal's arrest warrant.

Encouraged by that ill-considered concession, Inzko and the elusive "international community" which issues his marching orders (not that we don't know who they really are) now scent weakness, so predictably are demanding more. The demand to strip the founders of the Republic of Srpska of their honorific awards is but a prelude to the projected imposition of the Srebrenica "genocide denial" decree, a provocation already announced by Inzko. That is additionally made clear by the truculent language of Inzko's letter which minces no words in attributing to the Serbian people collective war crimes responsibility. By caving in, Inzko told Serbian parliamentarians, they "will remove the collective responsibility of the Serbian people, and by removing collective guilt and eliminating the burden of the past the entire nation would gain relief Inzko, who is Austrian, may have made a Freudian slip, and possibly was actually thinking of the Volk, including his fellow-Austrians, the ethnic stock of the Großdeutsches Reich of recent memory. But the language and the plain reference in the letter are clear enough and it prefigures much additional bullying to come.

There is little doubt that once the "honors-for-war-criminals" affair is over, Srebrenica denial legislation will be the next logical pressure point on the agenda. While this time round Inzko has not specifically invoked the "Bonn Powers," the threat of doing so is implicit in the three-month ultimatum to the deputies to come to heel, or else. Setting aside the inspiring "rule of law" paradigm such a threat sets, the natural question is what the "or else" could possibly be other than a High Representative dictate, embodied by the Bonn Powers?

Here, a short digression is in order. The Bonn Powers are an entirely fictitious concoction nowhere mentioned in the Bosnia peace treaty agreed in Dayton and signed in Paris in 1995, not unlike the Joint Criminal Enterprise doctrine, which also is not mentioned anywhere in the Statute of the Hague Tribunal but has been used effectively to undergird decades-long prison sentences. Both devices were contrived out of whole cloth to facilitate the fraudulent implementation of specific imperial political objectives. In the present case, it is to enable Bosnia's High Representative to issue binding interpretations of the Dayton peace agreement in accordance with his whims and the instructions passed on to him by the foreign power centers which control him. The myth of the non-existent Bonn Powers was brilliantly exploded quite a few years ago by the British scholar and at the time Director of Studies at the Paris-based think tank Institute of Democracy and Cooperation, Dr. John Laughland.

After a detailed study of the issue, Dr. Laughland concluded that "it is highly anomalous for the High Representative to invoke both Article 5 of Annex 10 and the so-called Bonn powers when justifying his controversial decisions to annul the decisions of parliaments or sack officials. Yet he does invoke both these very regularly. It is controversial because these are not 'powers' in the usual sense of the word. They are not specific executive competences which have been delegated but instead enabling clauses which allow him to interpret his own powers and which are therefore wielded without any judicial, political or parliamentary control." Need more be said?

So the stage is being set in the Republic of Srpska for what in Texas they call a double whammy. While the new, and it must be admitted cleverly selected, crop of agile fifth columnists are burrowing from within, High Representative Inzko is aiming his artillery fire at the Serbian entity's institutional infrastructure, to soften it up. Very soon, the graduated pressure being applied will reach the critical point of Srebrenica. The hybrid warfare game plan does not require a rocket scientist to decipher. Once the founders of the Republic of Srpska are successfully ostracized in their own land as "war criminals," the principle of collective responsibility for alleged war crimes is established, and by Inzko's illegal decree disputing the fabricated Srebrenica "genocide" narrative is made a punishable offense, the final assault on the Serbs' remaining relatively free patch of land in Bosnia will not be far behind.

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Stephen Karganovic is the president of the Srebrenica Historical Project.  He also writes for Strategic Culture Foundation.

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