--Remind voters about the wisdom of the early U.S. presidents who warned repeatedly against foreign entangling alliances. Endless warfare against exaggerated bogeymen around the world may sound tough during a debate or a talking-head moment on TV but such belligerence inevitably destroys the Republic. A more recent example of how foolhardy hasty interventionism can be is the Iraq War, which was embraced by not only neocons but many liberals who fancied themselves as doves until they realized that their careers might suffer so they reinvented themselves as hawks. As an opponent of the Iraq War, Sanders, in particular, is in a very strong position to hammer away the "geniuses" who gave us the disastrous Iraq War.
--This is harder, but be prepared to stand in the way of the next propaganda-driven stampede against some demonized foreign "enemy." To do so requires some political courage. You will surely be called a "(fill-in-the-blank) apologist," but respond by noting the much greater danger of another "group think." Remind people how other Orwellian "five minutes hate" sessions against various foreign leaders led the United States into terrible mistakes and bloody misjudgments.
--Sometimes, non-governmental organizations with labels asserting their commitment to "human rights" or "democracy promotion" can be very successful in focusing attention on some particularly offensive act in a target country (while ignoring similar or worse offenses in "friendly" countries). Remember, this is how propaganda works -- by using selective outrage. Not all NGOs are fair-minded observers. Some are fronts for governments and special interests.
--Stress the value of "realism" in foreign policy, i.e., the concept of weighing the cons as well as the pros of some intervention. Just because taking action at some passion-filled moment may feel good, it doesn't necessarily do good.
--Reflect on how America does best, both economically and geopolitically, when countries are at relative peace and have achieved some prosperity. America's greatest "soft power" is its ability to sell its products to the world and to benefit from the symbiosis that comes when people around the world appreciate U.S. inventiveness and innovation. By destabilizing entire regions and promiscuously imposing economic sanctions, the U.S. government disrupts these positive relationships. Perhaps a new slogan could be: "Make money, not war."
Just as police domestically should work on conflict resolution rather than pulling out their tasers and guns, U.S. diplomats should concentrate on de-escalating crises rather than swaggering in with harsh rhetoric, sanction threats and "regime change" strategies.
--Though this point is risky, suggest that America might benefit from rearranging its alliances in the Middle East, confronting Saudi Arabia over its covert support of terrorism and demanding that Israel finally resolve its disruptive conflict with the Palestinians. As part of this shift, the United States could encourage Iran to play a stabilizing role in Iraq and Syria and push both governments to share power more equitably with Sunnis, thus undercutting jihadist violence. Russia, with its influence in Iran and Syria, could be helpful, too.
What's Possible?
But can an alternative foreign policy really be built around truth-telling, resistance to "perception management" and respectful diplomacy even toward adversarial governments? Obviously, a big problem is the U.S. news media which tends to hype whatever propaganda is being spread about some designated villain and then berates anyone who dares suggest that there might be two sides to the story.
Building a more independent and fair-minded media will be a long-term project. Right now, challenges to the latest "group think" are confined mostly to some Internet sites and small-audience radio shows. And there's the additional confusion because some hip Internet sites are simply the latest fad in propaganda, essentially fronts for the same misinformation that gets spread by the mainstream media except operating behind the faà §ade of "civic journalism" or some innocent-sounding goals like "fighting corruption" and "protecting human rights."
Yet, despite all the difficulties that a politician would confront if he or she chose to strike out in a more peaceful and more truthful direction, there is urgency to undertake this mission.
For one, continued U.S. confusion over the civil war in Syria -- whether it be Hillary Clinton's fanciful notions about arming the non-existent "moderate" rebels or Bernie Sanders's silly idea about demanding that Saudi Arabia subdue the Mideast by force -- could lead to a genuine catastrophe if the black flag of Al Qaeda and/or the Islamic State is raised over Damascus.
Between Al Qaeda plotting new terror attacks on the West and the Islamic State chopping off the heads of Christians, Alawites, Shiites and other "heretics," there might be little choice for the U.S. president -- whoever he or she is -- to intervene on a massive scale, launching a new hopeless war that could well be the final death blow to the American Republic.
Even more dangerous is the showdown with nuclear-armed Russia over Ukraine. Since February 2014 when Assistant Secretary of State Nuland plotted "regime change" in Kiev, the American public has been fed a steady diet of anti-Russian propaganda with the special demonization of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Though a resolution to the Ukrainian civil war should have been relatively simple -- autonomy for ethnic Russians in the east and respect for Crimea's secession referendum from Ukraine -- the extreme rhetoric about "Russian aggression" and the West's imposition of economically disruptive sanctions have ratcheted up tensions and raised the possibility of a nuclear war.
Though all might hope that cooler heads will prevail before the nuclear codes come out, the West's "tough-guy/gal-ism" over Ukraine has contributed to less existential though still serious problems, including the risk of another global financial meltdown because the sanctions have helped stall Europe's already sluggish recovery from the Wall Street crash of 2008.
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