The 15-nation Security Council has been incapable of taking serious action in the case of the military ruled Burma. China, the next-door of Burma and a major ally, has been protecting Burma in order to exploit its natural resources. Similar to the United States, Britain, France and Russia, China is a permanent veto-power member of the council and can reject any action on Burma.
In addition, Beijing has no desire to allow the Security Council to impose sanctions on Myanmar/Burma. Burma's seaside provides China with easy access to South Asia and African markets. Furthermore, China supposes Burma as its protectorate.
According to some analysts, US and EU must put more pressure on the key cohorts of the junta - China, India and Russia. China takes responsibility to supply arms, ammunition and motor-vehicles to the SPDC's army with strength of over 400,000 soldiers. Russia sold the junta a squadron of second-hand MIG-29 fighter jets, same power as the F-16 fighters manufactured by the USA, for US $150 million in 2001. Russia also sold a 10 megawatt nuclear power facility to Burma. In addition, Moscow provides trainings for thousands of Burmese army cadets in various subjects on modern defense.
India continues to provide armaments and military assistance to the Burmese junta in return for natural-resource concessions. Each of these three countries has provided millions of dollars worth of military hardware to the Burmese military, in so doing providing tools for further oppression. Moreover, Russia and China vetoed the UN Security Council resolution condemning Burma's human rights record.
Harmoniously, the Junta is going right through its way to court the support of ASEAN, China and India for its political hoodwink or 2010 election. At the same time it is riding roughshod over the National League for Democracy (NLD) which is the only challenger to its supremacy at home. Aung San Suu Kyi will not be allowed to contest in the elections scheduled for 2010, the Junta made it clear already.
On the contrary, Ban Ki-moon made a briefing on his visit to Diplomatic Missions, UN Agencies, International and Local NGOs before leaving Rangoon on July 4.
"The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights? The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community," he made remarkable speech in Rangoon.
He also told:" The Government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy. The upcoming election the first in twenty years must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible. Myanmar's way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights. This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay."
Moreover, Ban stated again his suggestion to Than Shwe as soon as he arrived at Bangkok.
"I told Senior General Than Shwe that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released without delay and allowed to participate freely in the political process. I said I wanted to see resumption of substantive and time-bound dialogue between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy at the higher level of engagement. I set out detailed criteria for a conducive environment for free and fair elections in 2010. Only then will the elections be seen as credible and legitimate," he told journalists in Bangkok after he flew out of Rangoon.
Commenting on Ban Ki-moon's remarks after his Burma visit, Win Tin, a veteran journalist and Central Executive Committee (CEC) member of the NLD, said he hoped the secretary-general's words would be followed by real action.
"I hope Mr Ban Ki-moon's speech will not end just in Rangoon," Win Tin said.
Nevertheless, Ban must now know that words without teeth will not budge the Burmese generals.
Burmese people are so interested in what British Prime Minister Gordon Brown warned in a newspaper editorial earlier this month. Brown writes down in his article: "If the Burmese regime refuses to engage, the international community must be prepared to respond robustly. We will not rest until Aung San Suu Kyi -- and all those who share her commitment to a better and brighter future for Burma are able to play their rightful role in it."
Public opinion puff up that it is time for Ban Ki-moon to raise this half-century-long political conflict to the UN Security Council to pass a global arms embargo against Burma's military junta, and concurrently setting off an investigation into crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by the military regime.
The UN Security Council ought to drag the Burmese generals up to the dialogue table by using powerful and consequential pressures.
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