More than a year ago when a non-mainstream journalist confronted Albright about the disparity between ISIS's concentration on Iran and de minimis coverage of Israel, he angrily responded that he was working on a report about Israel's nuclear program. But there is still no substantive assessment of Israel's large nuclear arsenal on the ISIS Web site, which goes back to 1993.
Despite this evidence of bias, the Post and other mainstream U.S. news outlets typically present Albright as a neutral analyst. They also ignore his checkered past, for instance, his prominent role in promoting President Bush's pre-invasion case that Iraq possessed stockpiles of WMD.
Stoking a War
At the end of summer 2002, as Bush was beginning his advertising roll-out for the Iraq invasion and dispatching his top aides to the Sunday talk shows to warn about "smoking guns" and "mushroom clouds," Albright co-authored a Sept. 10, 2002, article -- entitled "Is the Activity at Al Qaim Related to Nuclear Efforts?" -- which declared:
"High-resolution commercial satellite imagery shows an apparently operational facility at the site of Iraq's al Qaim phosphate plant and uranium extraction facility ... This site was where Iraq extracted uranium for its nuclear weapons program in the 1980s. ... This image raises questions about whether Iraq has rebuilt a uranium extraction facility at the site, possibly even underground. ... The uranium could be used in a clandestine nuclear weapons effort."
Albright's alarming allegations fit neatly with Bush's propaganda barrage, although as the months wore on -- with Bush's warnings about aluminum tubes and yellowcake from Africa growing more outlandish -- Albright did display more skepticism about the existence of a revived Iraqi nuclear program.
Still, he remained a "go-to" expert on other Iraqi purported WMD, such as chemical and biological weapons. In a typical quote on Oct. 5, 2002, Albright told CNN: "In terms of the chemical and biological weapons, Iraq has those now."
After Bush launched the Iraq invasion in March 2003 and Iraq's secret WMD caches didn't materialize, Albright admitted that he had been conned, explaining to the Los Angeles Times: "If there are no weapons of mass destruction, I'll be mad as hell. I certainly accepted the administration claims on chemical and biological weapons. I figured they were telling the truth. If there is no [unconventional weapons program], I will feel taken, because they asserted these things with such assurance." [See FAIR's "The Great WMD Hunt,"]
Given the horrendous costs in blood and treasure resulting from the Iraq fiasco, an objective journalist might feel compelled to mention Albright's track record of bias and error. But the Post's Warrick didn't, even though Albright and his ISIS were at the core of the February story, receiving credit for obtaining copies of the magnet purchase order.
So, while we'll never know if the Amano ploy would have been tried -- since Manning's disclosures made it unfeasible -- it surely would not have been unprecedented. The American people experienced similar deceptions during the run-up to war with Iraq when the Bush-43 administration assembled every scrap of suspicion about Iraq's alleged WMD and fashioned a bogus case for war.
Eventually, Manning was pulled into that war as a young intelligence analyst. He confronted so much evidence of brutality and dishonesty that he felt compelled to do something about it. What he did in leaking hundreds of thousands of documents to WikiLeaks and, thus, to other news outlets was to supply "ground truth" about war crimes committed in Iraq and Afghanistan.
His disclosure of diplomatic cables also gave the American people and the world a glimpse behind the curtain of secrecy that often conceals the dirty dealings of statecraft. Perhaps most significantly, those revelations helped sparked the Arab Spring, giving people of the Middle East a chance to finally take some political control over their own lives.
And, by letting Americans in on the truth about Amano's IAEA, Bradley Manning may have helped prevent a war with Iran.